Sidste Nyt fra Albanien, Kosóva og Makedonien

The Latest News from Albania, Kosóva and Macedonia




# 265 - Juli-September 2005


Valget i Albanien 2005


Seneste nyheder: Præsident Moisiu har talt til det nye Parlament - Berishas regering - Officiel liste over de valgte Parlamentsmedlemmer - Socialisternes spørgsmål til Berisha-regeringen - Berisha's regering tiltrådt - Regeringsprogram - Opsummering efter de tre omvalg 21.8.


Version: 12.3 - 13.09.2005 - 17:30
Udgiver: Bjørn Andersen

Publisher: Bjoern Andersen


Ajourføres til valget er helt overstået,
og ODIHR har udsendt sin afsluttende rapport


Forslag, kritiske bemærkninger, forslag til links osv. vil være
meget velkomne. Send dem til: post@bjoerna.dk






Premierminister Fatos Nano, Socialisterne, et sted i Dibra-området én af de sidste dage under valgkampen (29.6.2005)





Præsident Moisiu nominerer tidl. Præsident Sali Berisha, Demokraterne, som ny Premierminister (3.9.2005)




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Parlamentsvalget i Albanien 3.7.2005




1) Valgets forberedelse. Baggrundsmateriale. Links. Forhistorie

- Valgets forhistorie

- OSCE/ODIHR's foreløbige rapport umiddelbart efter valget

- Valget i kreds 18 Dibra (Burrel)


2) Valgdagen 3.7. - og umiddelbart derefter

- Valgdeltagelsen (påfaldende lav; store geografiske forskelle)

- Fordelingen af kredsmandaterne (Mange klager har været under behandling, bl.a. vedr. kreds 73)


3) Efter valget

- Kommentar 8.7.: Fordelingen af blå og røde kredsmandater

- Kommentar 10.7.: Regeringen Berisha

- Kommentar 11.7.: Nogle er bekymrede. Hvad har premierminister Nano gang i?

- Interview med Sali Berisha 12.7.

- Fordelingen af de proportionelle mandater

- OSCE/ODIHR's 2' foreløbige rapport

- Officiel liste over de valgte [1.9.2005]

- Seneste nyheder

- Opsummering


Denne udgave er ikke færdigredigeret. Når valget er helt overstået, det nye parlament er tiltrådt, og der er dannet en ny regering, vil »tingene« blive placeret mere overskueligt.





Efter valget

[Mandag 3.7. - tirsdag 4.7.] Både Demokraterne og Socialisterne hævdede sent 3.7. at have vundet valget, men et samlet resultat ventes at foreligge mandag 4.7. om aftenen.

Tre er blevet dræbt under valget, én i Tirana og to i Lushnja. Se evt. reportage på BBC: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/4650933.stm. Lushnja: »Tirana Times« skriver at Leonard Prifti (30) dræbte Baki Taullau (47) - der stod sammen med flere andre foran Det Demokratiske Partis kontor - med en pistol. Efter drabet løb Prifti afsted, men blev indhentet og dræbt af venner eller slægtninge til Taullau. Prifti var velkendt af politiet og eftersøgt; han var - in absentia - dømt 25 års fængsel for indblanding i 4 andre drab. Taullau var ejer af en benzintank og menes at have været indblandet i narkotika- og våbenhandel; han har tidligere været anholdt. Mevlan Xhindoli - der netop er blevet valgt som parlamentsmedlem for kreds 63 for Det Demokratiske Parti i Lushnja - siger at drabene intet havde med valget at gøre. Xhindoli lagde samtidig afstand til både Prifti og Taullau.




Mevlan Xhindoli [Mevlan Xhindole] (f. 1948) er uddannet økonom, men havde en fremtrædende stilling i politiet fra 1993 til 1997, dvs. i Berisha-tiden:

* Në vitin 1966 përfundon gjimnazin Lushnje * Gjatë periudhës 1971-1975 përfundon studimet në Universitetin e Tiranës, Fakultetin e Ekonomisë * Për arsye biografie, 1975-1976 punëtor në Ndërmarrjen e Bonifikimit Lushnje * Në vitin 1977-1981 ekonomist në Kooperativën Bujqësore Divjakë * 1981-1990 ekonomist në Degën e Spedicionit Lushnje * 1991-1993, drejtor i Ndërmarrjes Spedicionit Tiranë. * Në vitin 1993, kryetar i Policisë Financiare Fier dhe më pas shef i Komisariatit të Policisë Prefektura Fier deri në Mars 1997. * Pas 1997 e deri tani vazhdon angazhimin politik pranë Partisë Demokratike. * Zotëron gjuhën italiane.




[Onsdag 6.7.2005 - 8:30] Det samlede resultat lader vente på sig, men det ser ud til at Demokraterne og partierne til højre har vundet valget; højrefløjen har vundet flest kredsmandater; venstrefløjen vil muligvis vinde et par flere af de proportionelle mandater end højrefløjen; samlet står højrefløjen til at vinde.

Optællingen er nogle steder blevet forsinket fordi medlemmer af valgkomitéerne er udvandret. Der siges (bl.a. af repræsentanter for Den Centrale Valgkommission) at udvandringerne kan skyldes utilfredshed med valgresultatet det pgl. sted og at udvandringerne kan være beordret fra oven i de respektive partier.

[Torsdag 7.7. - 6:45] Det samlede resultat vil muligvis foreligge op ad torsdagen. Der mangler stadig nogle kredsmandater, og resultatet i en del kredse anfægtes. Højrefløjen står fortsat til at have fået flest kredsmandater. Venstre- og Højrefløjen vil muligvis få ca. lige mange proportionelle mandater (evt. vil Venstrefløjen få en beskeden overvægt). Samlet ser det ud til at Berisha vil kunne danne regering med et lille eller et spinkelt flertal.

[Fredag 8.7. - 8:15] Der indberettes fortsat tal fra de enkelte kredse. De proportionelle mandater: Der foreligger stemmetal for 2497 stemmesteder (ud af 4753). Republikanerne står til 20%, Socialdemokraterne 11%, Socialisterne 10%, Demokraterne 9%, Integrationssocialisterne 8%, Nydemokraterne 7%, Agrarpartiet 5%, Demokratisk Alliance 5%. Den Centrale Valgkommission anmoder særligt Demokrater om at undlade at lægge pres på kommissionen. ADN skriver:

The Central Election Commission (CEC) urged the Democratic Party (DP) and its representatives to stop exerting pressure on this institution. The CEC chairman, Ilirjan Celibashi, declared Wednesday at a news conference that the Democrat candidate who has won elections in constituency 33 in Tirana, at least according to the results of the respective Zonal Election Commission, Lulezim Basha, was pressuring CEC.


RFE har sent 7.7. udsendt flg.:

OPPOSITION APPEARS TO WIN ALBANIAN ELECTIONS Albania's opposition Democratic Party (DS) has won the most seats in the country's parliament, but has not secured enough mandates to form a government on its own, dpa reported on 6 July. According to data released by the Central Election Commission, the DS and their intended coalition partners, the Republican Party, will together have 73 of the 140 seats in the assembly. The result, however, will not become official until an "unknown" number of challenges are resolved. The deadline for filing complaints expired on 5 July and they must be resolved within 10 days. DS leader and former President Sali Berisha appealed to outgoing Prime Minister Fatos Nano to keep the government operating normally until the transition of power.


[8.7. 16:15] Der tælles stadig i enkelte kredse. Pt ser det ud til at Demokraterne får 56 kredsmandater og Nano 41. Dertil kommer 1 mandat til Ilir Meta, 1 til PBDNJ [HRUP] og 1 til en uafhængig. I nogle af kredsene er der meget lille afstand mellem # 1 og # 2 (fx i kreds 73 hvor Kastriot Islami ligger tæt på Artur Shehu). I nogle kredse er tallene »mystiske«; det er ikke meget sandsynligt med stemmetal som 9.000, 6.500 og 6.400. Selv om der skulle være nogle af kredsmandaterne der skal flyttes til Socialisterne - og selv om Venstrepartierne vil få flere proportionelle mandater end Højrepartierne, er det temmeligt sikkert at det bliver Sali Berisha der danner regering sammen med Republikanerne. Hans flertal vil være mindst 5-6 mandater, formentlig snarere 7-8.


Kommentar 8.7.2005: Fordelingen af blå og røde kredsmandater, dvs. af mandater der tilfalder hhv. Demokraterne og Socialisterne, er ikke jævn. Der er relativt mange blå mandater fra Tirana og nordefter og relativt mange røde mandater i den sydlige del af Albanien (men der er undtagelser fra reglen - og i mange tilfælde er der et stort antal røde vælgere under et blåt parlamentsmedlem og omvendt).

Et nordligt blåt Albanien og et sydligt rødt understreger behovet for at de to store politiske blokke bliver langt bedre til at indgå kompromisser om alle de vigtige emner end de er i dag, for ellers er der - særligt i et land som Albanien - stor risiko for at landet knækker over i de kommende år.

Hvad vil Fatos Nano gøre, når det endelige resultat foreligger? Hvad kan han gøre? Mange mener at han vil træde tilbage som partiformand - straks eller inden for det næste par måneder. OM han vil gøre det afhænger af hvordan han selv analyserer sine muligheder, men også af om dén alliance han har opbygget i partiet (med så forskellige personer som Namik Dokle, Pandeli Majko og Anastas Angjeli) vil holde sammen eller om den vil falde fra hinanden. Holder Nano sig passiv, hvad der er ret usandsynligt, vil partiet falde sammen i tunge, nærmest selvmorderiske, fraktionskampe.

Da man må formode at Nano's eksterne samarbejdspartnere, Neritan Ceka (Demokratisk Alliance), Skënder Gjinushi (Socialdemokraterne) og Paskal Milo (de 'nye' Socialdemokrater), snart vil trække følehornene til sig, er det sandsynligt at det vil skubbe til en intern opløsning hos Socialisterne. Desuden skal man ikke glemme at Nano i tidens løb har trådt grundigt på nogle af dem der er blevet genvalgt som parlamentsmedlemmer (Arta Dade, Valentina Leskaj og Luan Memushi); de tåler kun Nano fordi han har magten; så snart magten krakelerer - eller rettere: hvis magten krakelerer, vil de orientere sig i andre retninger. Memushi har fået »tæsk« i al offentlighed, Dade og Leskaj er skubbet til side som ministre, hvad der ærgrer dem, den ene nok mere end den anden.

Men der er et problem. Der er ikke nogen overbevisende erstatning for Nano. Pandeli Majko (der før har været premierminister) vil måske forsøge sig. Tirana's borgmester Edi Rama eventuelt også. Men ingen af dem har dét brede bagland bag sig som Nano har - og Rama er slet ikke medlem af parlamentet, og selv om der er mange unge vælgere der synes han repræsenterer noget nyt og moderne, så er der mange flere socialistiske vælgere rundt omkring i Albanien der synes at han er »for meget«. Ingen af dem er i øvrigt på politisk niveau med Berisha - og ingen af dem når Nano til sokkeholderne hvad angår partitaktik, selv om de begge har gjort mange politiske erfaringer og har en stor kontaktflade.

Det skulle derfor - sammenlagt - ikke undre mig hvis Nano spiller sine kort på en måde, så han bliver opfordret fra alle sider til at fortsætte ... Hvis han ikke gør det, så vil det nok være bedst for alle hvis han gør noget helt andet end at arbejde inden for Socialistpartiet. En sur og frustreret og tilsidesat Nano inden for partiet vil gøre det meget besværligt for en efterfølger.


Meddelelser fra Den Centrale Valgkommission 8.7.2005:

[08.07.2005] Until Friday, 90 out of 100 election zones have delivered the election results and materials. The results of these election zones have been declared according to the respective tabulations prepared by the respective Zone Election Commissions. The rest of the zones is in the process of transporting the materials to the CEC. The CEC is following the actions of those ZECs that have not delivered the election materials yet.

[08.07.2005] The Central Elections Commission examined the complaints of political subjects against the decisions of ZECs, in compliance with the provisions provided for by the Electoral Code. Nearly 230 complaints have been filed with the CEC, until Friday. The CEC has taken measures to examine all the registered complaint, within the legal deadline. A considerable part of these complaints have been turned back due to lacks in the form. The rest is examined by the Central Elections Commission, in the presence of the interested parties, in sessions opened to the public. The procedures implemented during the examination of cases allow parties to give explanations and arguments to support their claims, and allow the CEC to administer the respective evidences in defence of these claims. In these conditions, these decisions are the result of a regular, legal and constitutional process guaranteeing the fairness and the rights of the parties in this process.


Resultater [9.7. kl. 12:15, justeret kl. 18:30 og kl. 23:45] Der mangler kredsresultater overhovedet fra zone 64 og optællingen er fortsat ikke afsluttet i zone 2, 92 og 100. De proportionelle stemmer er indberettet fra 97 ud af 100 valgzoner (kredse) - ialt drejer det sig om 1,3 mio stemmer (eller næsten det samme antal stemmer som der er afgivet på kreds-kandidaterne). Venstresiden + neutrale vil formentlig få i omegnen af 21 mandater, Berisha m.fl. omkring 19 mandater. I zone 64 er opstillet Et'hem Ruka fra Socialisterne og Ilir Bano fra Demokraterne.

[10.7. 13:00] Kreds 92 er færdigoptalt. Mandatet gik til Socialisternes Vangjel Tavo og ikke til PBDNJ [HRUP]'s Spiro Ksera.




Sali Berisha på pressemøde sommeren 2005


Kommentar 10.7.: Regeringen Berisha: Selv om Valgkommissionen skal have tid til at behandle de klager der er indleveret, er der ikke meget tvivl om at Sali Berisha vil have et regeringsdueligt flertal bag sig. Dels er der de mandater der er faldet på hans eget parti, dels er der de mandater der er faldet på støttepartierne (bl.a. Republikanerne og De Nye Demokrater). På den anden side af gærdet er det derimod helt uden for rækkevidde at få samlet et regeringsdueligt flertal, dels fordi man mangler mandaterne, dels fordi man er uenige - i nogen tilfælde rygende uenige. Det forventes at nogle af dem der har støttet den socialistiske regering i den kommende tid vil orientere sig mod midten for at få mest mulig indflydelse.

Ét af de vigtigste politiske emner er en kommende optagelse i EU. Det er én af de ting som de fleste albanske partier er enige om, så i dén forstand ændrer valget ikke noget.

EUs forhandlere har i de senere år lagt betydeligt pres på Albanien. Der skal gøres mere ved korruptionen - og der skal gøres mere ved kriminaliteten, siger man - undertiden med meget store bogstaver. Dette pres vil ikke blive mindre fordi Berisha danner regering. Der er nok en vis skepsis over for Berisha og nogle af hans folk, på den anden side var man næppe helt overbeviste om at Fatos Nano virkelig ville eller kunne bekæmpe korruptionen (og der har været mange rygter om at han og hans kone, Xhoana, har stukket pænt til side). Så der vil næppe umiddelbart blive den store forskel mht forholdet EU-Albanien.

Der har i tidens løb været mange problemer med Berisha og hans autokratiske ledelsesstil. Mange af hans samarbejdspartnere har forladt ham og er begyndt for sig selv, det gælder Neritan Ceka og Genc Pollo der begge for nogle år siden har stiftet nye partier. Økonomen Gramoz Pashko har også været på afstand en periode, men stillede dog ved dette valg op for Berisha (uden at blive valgt). Nu er Genc Pollo der altid har været Europa-orienteret - om ikke på vej tilbage til Det Demokratiske Parti så - blevet samarbejdspartner, og han vil formentlig få plads i den nye regering sammen med Republikanerne. Berisha har brug for Pollo's støtte og goodwill ude i Europa - og Pollo vil sikkert tage sig godt betalt med hensyn til at få politisk indflydelse.

Det har også været svært at få Berisha til forhandlingsbordet og til at arbejde som ansvarlig parlamentariker (i perioder har han og hans parti boycottet parlamentsarbejdet), men der er trods alt sket fremskridt i de senere år, og det ser ud til at han og hans folk har indset at der skulle nye boller på suppen og at regeringsarbejdet skal leve op til vestlige standarder.

EUs forhandlere - og andre internationale samarbejdspartnere - vil i den kommende tid teste Berisha og hans hold - og fastholde presset. Formentlig kan man blive enige om en vej frem, omend tingene ikke vil gå så hurtigt som albanerne ønsker. Der vil givetvis opstå vanskeligheder og ske tilbageslag, men trods alt er Albanien i en noget anden og mere positiv situation end da Berisha blev tvunget fra magten i 1997. Déngang havde han et betydeligt ansvar for at økonomien faldt sammen og at regeringsarbejdet endte i kaos.

Der er stadig store økonomiske vanskeligheder og en kraftig arbejdsløshed, men der er også sket tydelige fremskridt. Og frem for alt har både Albanerne og »udlandet« et bedre kendskab til hinanden end de havde i begyndelsen af 1990'erne.

Den kommende tid vil stille store krav både til Berisha og hans regering, men også til Europa. Det er nødvendigt at vi i Europa anstrenger os alvorligt for at udvikle et samarbejde med Albanerne der respekterer dem, styrker dem og animerer dem til at tage ansvar for økonomien og de mange sociale problemer og til at bekæmpe korruption og kriminalitet.


Kidnapning i Has? Formanden for Demokraterne i Has, Behar Kastrati (40), er forsvundet og frygtes at være kidnappet.


Resultater: [11.7. kl. 8:00] Proportionelle mandater: Der er sket optælling i 98 ud af 100 kredse. Fordelingen er fortsat ca. 19 til højre-siden og 21 til venstre, incl. Meta som holder tydelig afstand til Fatos Nano (alt incl.).


[11.7.] Nogle er bekymrede. Hvad har premierminister Nano gang i? Nano har i modsætning til Socialdemokraternes Skënder Gjinushi endnu ikke erkendt at have tabt. Socialistpartiet anfægter resultatet i en række kredse og forlanger en grundig efterprøvning. Før der foreligger en sådan, vil Nano ikke sige noget »endeligt« - men regerer videre som sædvanlig. NÅR der foreligger et endeligt resultat, vil Nano acceptere det, har han sagt.

Nano handler på en måde overordentlig korrekt, men han kunne dog have gjort noget andet der mere tydeligt kunne have have overbevist omgivelserne om hans demokratiske sindelag. Han kunne nemlig have sagt:
'Det ser ud som om vi har tabt - og at Sali Berisha og hans samarbejdspartnere har vundet. Men der er nogle problemer som må afklares før det endelige valgresultat kan siges at foreligge, og det tager Den Centrale Valgkommission sig af. Indtil da fortsætter regeringen som forretningsministerium. Hvis Berisha har vundet, gratulerer vi ham med sejren og træder selv sagt tilbage.'
Egentlig er der ikke grund til den store frygt om Nano vil træde tilbage eller ej hvis det bekræftes at han tabt. Sker dét er han nødt til at acceptere det (og det véd alle de politiske ledere i Albanien, Nano inklusive), for ellers vil hans parti brække midt over, og de forskellige internationale kræfter vil rive gulvtæppet væk under ham, frem for alt USA og EU.

Præsident Moisiu har udtalt sig i beroligende vendinger og er tilsyneladende helt fortrøstningsfuld taget på rejse til Dubrovnik. Inden afrejsen havde han (9.7.) en sammenkomst med en række spørgelystne journalister. Efter mødet har Præsidentkontoret udsendt flg.:




The President of the Republic, Alfred Moisiu answering to the media inquiries regarding the influence of the post-electoral situation on the tourism sector, stated: “I heard a few hotel owners in some television channels complaining about the drop in tourists’ numbers in our country because of the elections. Albania is going through a normal state. During the meeting that I held yesterday with directors of the Army, Attorney General, State Police and Intelligence Service I was informed about the calm situation in the country. I gathered them in fact in the light of the events in London and about the security measures in the country. I issued the respective advices and they assured me that they are controlling the situation. That is why there is no reason of concern to the tourists. They are welcome. Albania has its doors open to all the tourists wherever they might come from, from Kosova and Macedonia, etc.”

Talking about the elections, Mr. Moisiu stated: “We are a democratic country, a European country and we demonstrated this. The elections were very good. After the voting day there were contestations. The respective constitutional organs are handling these contestations and there is nothing extraordinary about that. Naturally we must be careful; we must not issue contesting declarations, be them from the government, or be them from other political forces because there are people with bad intentions who invest to create precedents. We must aware of these kinds of people.

Nothing is happening. The spread of the epidemic of complains is not a good thing, because this prolongs the results. But everything has entered in the path of legal solving. The Central Elections Commission is issuing the results and there are four zones remaining. Praising the Central Elections Commission that took measures against the commissioners of the number 2 zone, President Moisiu stated that: “I do not exclude shortcomings and problems and that is why we have the Central Elections Commission and the Electorate Panel. Not everything can be bought, not everybody can be pressured and not everybody can be frightened when he is exercising his duty in a professional measure. This is an achievement of the Albanian society. Now everything has entered the legal norms, in normality.”

Regarding the event in Has where there is no information for about 48 hours about the doctor Behar Kastrati, the head of the Democratic Party of this area, President Moisiu stated that since yesterday the police and the experts are investigating in the place and that he is being informed every four hours about this problem.


Amerikansk-Albansk-Makedonsk flådeøvelse i Adriaterhavet 11.-30.7.. Der holdes jævnlig øvelser i Adriaterhavet; det lidt usædvanlige er (måske?) at der også er Makedonske enheder med i en øvelse på disse kanter. Den Amerikanske Ambasssde skriver 11.7.:

U.S., Albanian, and Macedonian forces will participate in the Adriatic Engagement 2005 military exercise during July 11-30 in the Adriatic Sea. As part of the on-going multi-lateral military-to-military relationship, this most recent in a series of annual exercises will develop individual and collective combat proficiencies and promote friendship, mutual understanding, and cooperation with NATO and regional allies.

Nearly 1,500 U.S. Navy and Marine Corps personnel, three Albanian infantry platoons and helicopter support, and a Macedonian combat engineer platoon and special forces, will participate in field exercises, search-and-rescue scenarios, casualty evacuation rehearsals, and maritime interception operations.

The participating U.S. forces include amphibious assault ship USS Saipan (LHA 2), rescue and salvage ship USS Grasp (ARS 51), Explosive Ordnance Disposal Mobile Unit EIGHT (EODMU 8), Helicopter Support Squadron FOUR (HC 4), Marine Corps Security Force Company Europe, and Commander, Task Force SIX SEVEN (CTF 67).

Joint exercises, such as the Adriatic Engagement 2005, promote security cooperation efforts that foster regional stability, advance multinational interoperability, and deter potential adversaries – all invaluable contributions to the international fight against terrorism.


Interview med Sali Berisha 12.7.

Den Græske avis »Kathimerini« har 12.7. bragt et interview med Sali Berisha. Journalisten siger at Berisha under valgkampen har optrådt på en helt anden måde end tidligere. Berisha bekræfter at han har ændret sig og at han har fået rådgivning fra fremtrædende forskere. Nogle af dem der tidligere har forladt partiet er vendt tilbage og har fået fremtrædende poster i det Demokratiske Parti, siger han.

Nano har opført sig som kaptajnen på »Titanic«, siger Berisha. Til det sidste hævdede han at alt var i den bedste orden. Når Nano tabte var det fordi dette var åbenlyst forkert - og fordi han selv og Demokraterne havde noget bedre at byde på vedrørende beskæftigelsen, kampen mod korruptionen og kriminaliteten - og med hensyn til en kommende optagelse i EU.

Journalisten er særlig interesseret i relationerne til Grækenland og til det Græske mindretal i Sydalbanien. Berisha kender den Græske præsident, Karolos Papoulias, og den Græske premierminister, Costas Karamanlis, personligt og ønsker at stå sig godt med Grækenland. Det vil være til gavn for Albanien med et tættere samarbejde, og han håber at Græsk erhvervsliv vil investere i Albanien.

Berisha har henvendt sig til det lille Græske minoritetsparti og tilbudt dem at blive medlem af sin regering, men har endnu ikke fået svar.

Mht Kosovo vil Berisha ikke anfægte de udtalelser som fremtrædende Kosovo-Albanske politikere er fremkommet med, på den anden side må man konstatere - siger han - at den Albanske majoritet har gjort for lidt for at komme overens med Kosovo-Serberne. Det skyldes naturligvis at Albanerne var blevet undertrykt af Serberne, men ikke desto mindre bør man sadle om og gøre i Kosovo som Albanerne gør med den Græske minoritet: Albanerne og den græske minoritet kommer fint ud af det med hinanden.

Berisha vil ikke trække de Albanske tropper ud af Irak eller Afghanistan. Han støtter Bush's politik: I support the Bush dogma, the declaration of freedom and democracy.


[Tirsdag 12.7.2005] Jozefina Topalli, der er næstformand i Det Demokratiske Parti, har på en pressekonference sagt at Demokraterne vil indbyde tre partier, der hidtil har samarbejdet med Socialistpartiet, til et nærmere samarbejde. Det drejer sig dels om Menneskerettighedspartiet (PBDNJ - HRUP), dels om Paskal Milo's Socialdemokrati (til forskel fra Skënder Gjinushi's) og om Agrar- og Miljøpartiet der ledes af Lufter Xhuveli. Både Milo og Xhuveli har haft ministerposter i Socialistisk ledede regeringer.

Hvis et eller flere af de nævnte partier modtager indbydelsen (hvad der er sandsynligt) vil det naturligvis styrke Berisha mandatmæssigt og gøre Nano's nederlag endnu større, men det vil også gøre Berisha's regering mere »salonfähig« i en international sammenhæng.


SET skriver at Socialisterne og Socialdemokraterne langer ud efter de formentlige »afhoppere«:

Socialist Party (SP) Organisational Secretary Petro Koci and Social Democratic Party (SDP) chairman Skender Gjinushi lashed out Wednesday (13 July) at three former SP allies that appear likely to join a coalition with the Democratic Party (DP), which won the 3 July parliamentary elections. The two officials said that the Party for Social Democracy, the Agrarian Environmentalist Party and the Union for Human Rights Party -- all firmly from the left of the political spectrum but planning to move to the right -- are engaged in "vote trafficking".


Valgresultater: Der vil gå mindst nogle uger før de indleverede klager er behandlet og den retlige efterprøvning er afsluttet. Indtil da kan Parlamentet ikke godkende en ny regering. Nano's regering vil snart erfare at den kun kan fungere som forretningsministerium - og at ingen vil fæste lid til beslutninger der rækker ud over hvad en Berisha-regering kan tænkes at ville acceptere.


Kommentar fra kommissær Olli Rehn, EU: Olli Rehn har sagt til »Deutsche Welle« at valget 3.7. (trods dén kritik man kan rettes imod det) har været et positivt skridt i forholdet mellem EU og Albanien. ADN skriver: »Albania has removed one of the critical barriers for the conclusion of negotiations on the Stabilization and Association Agreement, the chief-commissioner for EU enlargement, Olli Rehn told Deutsche Welle«.


[14.7.2005] Hvem kommer til at sidde i den nye regering? Der forhandles intenst. Ifølge »Shekulli« må det forventes at Demokraterne vil sætte sig på de tungeste poster, at der bliver nogle tunge poster til de forskellige ssamarbejdspartnere - men at de små partier især vil blive tilgodeset med vice-ministerposter og poster som præfekter rundt i landet.




Ridvan Bode


Demokraterne ventes at besætte posterne som Premierminister (Sali Berisha) Vicepremierminister (Ridvan Bode - pt Generalsekretær hos Demokraterne), Finans- & Økonominister (Genc Ruli) og Udenrigsminister (?). Forsvarsministeriet eller et andet højtplaceret ministerium på dét niveau vil muligvis gå til Genc Pollo. Fatmir Mediu fra Republikanerne bliver meget tænkeligt Parlamentsformand (en post som den nuv. næstformand Joezefina Topalli ellers var tippet til at skulle overtage).

Genc Ruli (iflg: http://www.ics-al.org/): University degree in economics and law. Professor Doctor of Economics. For more than 13 years has been professor of Finance and Accounting in the University of Tirana. From 1991 to 1993 has been Minister of Finance and Minister of Finance and Economy in all Albanian Governments of this period. From 1994 to 1996 has been Chairman of the Permanent Parliamentary Commission for Finance and Economy. Since 1992 is the Chairman of Governing Board of Albanian Institute of Insurance (INSIG). Actually, is Professor of Accounting at the Faculty of Economics, University of Tirana. Key qualifications: finance, accounting, economic analyses, economic legislation.





[14.7.2005 kl. 11:00] Præsident Moisiu har haft møde med Politidirektøren, Chefanklageren og Chefen for Efterretningstjenesten. Præsidentkontoret skriver:

The President of the Republic, Alfred Moisiu gathered today before noon the Attorney General, Theodhori Sollaku [nr. 3 fra v], the Head of State Intelligence Service, Bahri Shaqiri [nr. 2 fra v] and the General Director of Police, Director Bajram Ibraj [yderst tv].

During the talks, the Head of State stressed that under the conditions of prolonging the post-electoral situation there might be revitalizing of crime and it is required a maximal seriousness in the fight against it. Pausing on the concrete criminal acts that have occurred lately such as the murder of the Republican Party observer, the murders of the gang in Lushnja, the disappearance of the Democratic Party head in Has, President Moisiu demanded the implementation of the laws and required positive results from the work of these structures. It was pointed out that there is no room for concern by the employees of these structures and that the cooperation level among them must be increased to catch the crimes’ authors and to eradicate their criminal bases. Mr. Moisiu demanded penal penalties for every administration employee that touches the official documentation and the respect of the legal obligation to safeguard the state secret.

On their part, the Attorney General, the heads of the State Intelligence Service and State Police informed the Head of State about the measures that have taken on the above mentioned cases and in general.

-

Z. Moisiu kërkoi ndjekje penale për çdo nëpunës të administratës shtetërore që prek dokumentacionin zyrtar si dhe respektimin e detyrimeve ligjore për ruajtjen e sekretit. Nga ana e tyre drejtuesit e Prokurorisë së Përgjithshme, SHISH dhe Policisë së Shtetit informuan kreun e shtetit për masat e marra për rastet e mësipërme dhe në tërësinë e tyre.



Fordelingen af de proportionelle mandater

[14.7.2005] Den Centrale Valgkommission har besluttet at fordele de proportionelle mandater, for de manglende tal fra de resterende 3 problemkredse vil ikke ændre billedet. Det talmæssige resultat blev meget nær dét som har kunnet ventes (og beror på hvilke partier der har været med i et forbund og hvilke ikke).

Venstresiden (incl. 3 partier der er på vej mod højre): 22. Højresiden: 18

Venstresiden (excl. 3 partier der er på vej mod højre): 14. Højresiden: 26.

Republikanerne (Højresiden) 11
Socialdemokraterne (Venstresiden) 7
Ny-Demokraterne [Reformdemkoraterne] (Højresiden) 4
Integrationssocialisterne (Venstresiden) 4
Agrar/Miljøpartiet (på vej fra Venstre- til Højresiden) 4
Demokratisk Alliance (Venstresiden) 3
Menneskerettighedspartiet (på vej fra Venstre- til Højresiden) 2
Ny-Socialdemokraterne (Milo) (på vej fra Venstre- til Højresiden) [Partiet stoppede midtvejs] 2
Kristelige Demokrater (Højresiden) 2
Liberaldemokrater (Højresiden) 1
I alt 40


[14.07.2005] The Central Elections Commission announced the final results declared by the decisions of Zone Election Commissions for the winning candidates, and the election results for parties and coalitions according to the ZECs decisions.

The ZECs results include 98 zones for parties and coalitions, as the zones 2 and 92 are missing, since in these cases no decisions were taken by the respective ZECs and 97 zones for candidates because the ZECs decisions on the zones 2, 64 and 100 are missing.

According to the decisions of ZECs, the candidates of the Democratic Party have won in 55 election zones, the candidates of Socialist Party in 40 election zones, one candidate of the SMI and an independent candidate have won one election zone. The decisions on the wining candidates of the election zones 2, 64 and 100 shall be taken during the examination process of the requests on the invalidity of elections.

The preliminary assessments show that the results of the proportional in the zones 2, 64 and 100, do not influence the configuration of proportional mandates for the Assembly of Albania. The allocation of mandates by the proportional results show that the Republican Party shall win 11 seats, the Social-Democrat Party 7 seats, the New Democrat Party 4 seats, SMI 4 seats, Agrarian Environmentalist Party 4 seats, Democratic Alliance 3 seats, Human Rights Union Party 2 seats, Social Democracy Party 2 seats, DemoChristian Party 2 seats and Liberal Democrat Union 1 seat.

The post-election complaint process has ended, even though it has been quite a voluminous and intensive process. The Central Elections Commission has examined 303 complaints, out of which it has taken decisions for 108 cases, the rest is given back for completion and is no more re-filed with the CEC.

The Central Elections Commissions starts today the examination of requests on the invalidity of elections. The deadline of submitting the requests on the invalidity ended last night, at 24.00 hrs, and 107 requests on the invalidity in various zones of the election territory have been submitted.



Nr Parti Forkortelse Stemmetal Pct
1 Aleanca Demokratike AD 65.061 4,8
2 Partia Demokrate e Re PDR 100.357 7,4
3 Partia Demokristiane e Shqiperise PDK 44.478 3,3
4 Partia Republikane PR 271.729 20,1
5 Levizja Socialiste per Integrim LSI 113.404 8,4
6 Levizja per Zhvillim Kombetar - Leka I Zogu LZHK 46.174 3,4
7 Partia Agrare Ambientaliste PAA 88.605 6,5
8 Partia Balli Kombetar PBK 22.583 1,7
9 Partia Bashkimi per te Dnejtat e Njeriut PBDNJ 55.046 4,1
10 Partia Demokratike PD 104.587 7,7
11 Partia Socialdemokrate e Shqiperise PSD 172.111 12,7
12 Partia Socialiste e Shqiperise PSSH 121.142 8,9
13 Bashkimi Liberal Demokrat BLD 14.380 1,1
14 Levizja per te Drejtat dhe Lirite e Njeriut LDLNJ 9.017 0,7
15 Partia Balli Kombetar Demokrat PBDK 7.616 0,6
16 Partia Bashkimi Demokrat Shqiptar BDSH 7.367 0,5
17 Aleanca per Mireqenie dhe Solidaritet AMS 4.670 0,3
18 Partia Aleanca Socialiste Shqiptare PASSH 6.568 0,5
19 Partia Demokracia Sociale e Shqiperise PDSSH 57.919 4,3
20 Partia Demokratike Demokracia e Re e Djathte Shqiptare PDDRDSH 1.792 0,1
21 Partia Komuniste e Shqiperise PKSH 8.901 0,7
22 Partia Lidhja e Blerte Shqiptare LBSH 1.710 0,1
23 Partia Levizja Monarkiste Demokrate Shqiptare PLMDSH 774 0,1
24 Partia e Punes e Shqiperise PPSH 9.284 0,7
25 Partia e Sigurise Kombetare Shqiptare PSHSK 568 0,0
26 Partia per Drejtesi dhe Integrim PDI 16.012 1,2
27 Partite Shqiptare Sociale dhe Partia e Unitetit Kombetar PSHS+PUK 3.255 0,2

I alt [som tallene forelå fra Den Centrale Valgkommission, da den udmeldte fordelingen af de proportionelle mandater] - 1.355.110 100,0



Mjaft har 14.7.2005 udsendt pressemeddelelse om valgresultatet ift prognoserne og om relationerne til de to Gallup'er - se nedenfor


OSCE har udtalt sig i anledning af Valgkommissionens meddelelse 14.7.:

VIENNA, 14 July 2005 - The OSCE Chairman-in-Office, Slovenian Foreign Minister Dimitrij Rupel, expressed hope that the election process in Albania will be concluded quickly following the completion of the declaration of results and that a new Assembly and government will start work soon.

"The results of 3 July elections are now officially declared, after many days of hard work by the Central Election Commission," said Minister Rupel, who is following the process with close attention.

"I hope the election process will be completed in an orderly and speedy fashion, according to Albanian law and in compliance with international standards, all the way up to the declaration of the final results".

"I call on all parties to fully respect the decisions of the competent Albanian institutions, in particular the Central Elections Commission and the Electoral College, which should deal professionally, impartially and resolutely with all election irregularities, complaints and appeals and must not be subjected to pressures," the Chairman-in-Office added.

Minister Rupel said it was important for Albanian democracy that a new Assembly should become functional as soon as the election process is completed and that a new government should take office soon.

"The OSCE, including its Presence in Albania, stands ready to continue assisting Albania in furthering electoral reform, following the recommendations of the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR)," he said.




På billedet ses bl.a. Demokraternes næstformand Jozefina Topalli fra Shkodra og Sali Berisha, oprindelig fra Tropoja, men valgt i Tirana-området. Længst th: Ridvan Bode. »Rilindja Demokratike« er Demokraterne's avis.


[18.07.2005] EU: Rådet (RÅDET FOR DEN EUROPÆISKE UNION) har udtalt flg.:

EU udtrykte tilfredshed med den generelt fredelige afvikling af valget i Albanien den 3. juli, der er en vigtig test for, om landet er parat til yderligere EU-integration. Det noterede sig imidlertid, at der er en række mangler, som skal afhjælpes, således at de ikke dukker op igen fremover. Rådet udtrykte sin tilfredshed med OSCE/ODIHR og så frem til den endelige rapport. Rådet opfordrede alle politiske ledere og partier til at udvise ansvarlighed og fuldt ud respektere den albanske forfatning, valglov og adfærdskodeks under hele valgprocessen og dannelsen af en ny regering. Når den nye regering er dannet, skal den sammen med parlamentet gå i gang med arbejdet omgående og med et ægte engagement i en klar og stærk reformdagsorden for europæisk integration, herunder navnlig på områder i forbindelse med retsstatsprincippet.

Rådet mindede om, at Kommissionen til efteråret vil udsende sin årlige periodiske rapport om stabiliserings- og associeringsprocessen i Albanien. Dette vil give lejlighed til at vurdere, hvorvidt forhandlinger om en stabiliserings- og associeringsaftale kan afsluttes i lyset af de samlede fremskridt med hensyn til demokratiske standarder og reformer på nøgleområder. Rådet bekræftede atter, at det fortsat er besluttet på at støtte Albanien i landets bestræbelser på at nærme sig EU, og understregede, at nøglen til yderligere fremskridt ligger hos de albanske myndigheder.


OSCE/ODIHR har udsendt INTERIM REPORT 3

INTERIM REPORT 3

4–14 July 2005

I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

• Following the issuance of a preliminary statement of findings and conclusions on 4th July, the OSCE/ODIHR EOM has continued its observation of the next steps of the electoral process, with a particular focus on the counting process, as well as on the handling of complaints and appeals.

• While in many zones the vote counting process proceeded relatively smoothly, in others it was protracted, disorganised and in some cases contentious. In three election zones, ballots from one or more voting centres were not counted.

• Significant delays also occurred during the tabulation of results. On occasions this was attributable to the near exhaustion of election officials. However, in other zones delays resulted from political disputes. Observers reported instances where election officials obstructed the process and placed party interests before their duties to serve as impartial election administrators and to count and report votes in an honest manner.

• Some 280 appeals against Zone Election Commission (ZEC) decisions concerning election results have been filed with the Central Election Commission (CEC). In addition, the CEC will consider around 100 requests to invalidate part, or all, of the elections.

• Preliminary results issued by the CEC show that electoral strategies described in previous EOM reports have been implemented and smaller parties involved with the main two parties prior to the election have received significantly more votes at national level than their weight in the outgoing parliament would suggest. It is however not possible to quantify the effect of these strategies.

• Some parties have alleged that votes were not counted accurately. Specifically, the Socialist Movement for Integration (SMI) and some small parliamentary and non-parliamentary parties have claimed that either their own votes were attributed to other parties or that votes cast for the Democratic Party (DP) or the Socialist Party (SP) were counted in favour of allied parties or coalitions.

• The OSCE/ODIHR EOM will retain a small team of experts to follow the election process until its completion. They will pay particular attention to the adjudication of complaints and appeals.


II. MISSION INFORMATION

On 4 July, the OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission (EOM), together with the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly (OSCE PA), the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) and the European Parliament issued a joint Statement, reflecting its conclusions and findings up to and including election day.

The OSCE/ODIHR EOM has continued its observation activities, focussing on the counting of votes, their tabulation and the announcement of results. In addition, the EOM has been following the process of the CEC’s adjudication of a large number of appeals against ZEC decisions. The OSCE/ODIHR EOM will continue its observation of the handling of complaints and appeals until the process is completed, and offer a comprehensive assessment of the process, including recommendations for future improvements, in its Final Report.


III. ELECTION ADMINISTRATION

The Counting of Votes and Vote Tabulation at ZECs

After the close of voting, ballot boxes were transferred to 100 Counting Centres, where the votes were counted. OSCE/ODIHR observers submitted reports from 97 Counting Centres, although they were not present continuously in all of those observed.

Observers’ overall assessment of the counting phase, up to the end of 4 July, indicates that the process was considered reasonably well organised in 86% of observers’ reports. However, many counting teams were appointed late and were insufficiently trained. Although many counting teams performed their tasks efficiently, the counting process in 14% of zones was poorly organised. In addition, observers reported that in a significant minority of zones (15%), counting teams, which were nominated by political parties, did not undertake their tasks impartially. Almost none of the ZECs were able to complete the vote count and official tabulation of the results within the legal deadline of 17:00 hrs. on 4 July.

Many observers reported that the distance they, and other observers, were required to remain from the counting tables lessened their ability to observe the process effectively. In some 20 zones, observers reported that the process lacked transparency.

As the vote count proceeded, disputes over the validity of ballots arose frequently and discrepancies were noted between the number of voters having been recorded as casting ballots and the number of ballot papers counted. Disputes between ZEC and counting team members frequently led to disruptions and interruptions in the counting process. It is of particular concern that during the counting of votes, observers noticed serious irregularities in eight zones, while others received allegations that votes for particular parties were not being counted according to the choices made by voters.

The Announcement of Results

From election night, the CEC released preliminary election results based on information received from ZECs. However, a relatively large number of ZECs did not provide the CEC with preliminary results as frequently as requested. Initially, the CEC relied on individual tabulation sheets received by fax; later, the CEC based the preliminary results on aggregate tables of results sent by ZECs.

In the first days following the elections, the CEC released results for many single mandate elections (hereafter ‘candidate results’). However, ZECs experienced a noticeable delay in announcing the results for the party-list election (hereafter ‘party results’). By the end of 6 July, the CEC had declared approximately half of the candidate results. In approximately 20 zones, observers reported that either the count was not yet complete or that ZECs had not completed the tabulation of results for either the candidate or party results, or both. In some cases, delays were attributable to fatigue, as ZEC and counting group members worked for days with insufficient rest. In other cases, delays were the result of the counting teams’ or ZECs’ refusal to count the ballots or walkouts by election officials.

The ZEC in election zone 2 ignored a CEC decision ordering them to complete the vote count. [Note: 1 Two ballot boxes remain uncounted. On election day, a relatively large number of voting centres in this zone did not open.]

The CEC fined each ZEC member ALL 90,000 (approximately €730) and on 7 July decided to dismiss all seven ZEC members and to initiate criminal proceedings against them. Other ZECs which refused to count ballot boxes from individual VCs included ZECs 64 and 73, who sent these ballot boxes to the CEC without opening them and counting the ballots. The members of ZEC 64 were fined 80,000 ALL each (approximately €650) for not counting all ballot boxes.

Several ZECs, for example in zones 36 and 43, requested new aggregate tables from the CEC, claiming that the originals had been used by counting teams by mistake or were illegible due to corrections of clerical mistakes. The CEC decided to provide ZECs with new tables upon request, but only after the ZECs had returned the original tables to the CEC. Significant problems during the tabulation were also reported by EOM observers in a number of other election zones. In some zones, the CEC had to send inspectors or regional coordinators to resolve problems with the count of the tabulation.

By the afternoon of 8 July, aggregate results for candidates were still missing for eight zones, and party-list results, from nine zones. By 11 July, three ZECs had not sent the aggregate tables of results for the single mandate contest and two had not reported aggregate results for the party-list election.

The Socialist Movement for Integration (SMI), the Movement for National Development (MND), the Democratic Alliance Party (DAP) and the Social Democracy Party (SDY), among others, have alleged that votes for their parties were intentionally attributed to other political parties. They also alleged that some votes cast for the Democratic Party (DP) were attributed to parties of the right-wing Alliance for Freedom, Justice and Welfare (AFJW) and that some votes cast for the Socialist Party (SP) were recorded for some of the parties in the outgoing governing coalition, in particular for the Social Democratic Party (SDP).

Preliminary results issued by the CEC show that electoral strategies have been implemented and smaller parties involved with the main two parties prior to the election have received significantly more votes at national level than their weight in the outgoing parliament would suggest. It is however not possible to quantify the effect of these strategies.


IV. POST-ELECTION APPEALS

The Legal Framework

The Electoral Code permits electoral subjects (candidates, political parties and coalitions) registered with the CEC to appeal against a ZEC decision on the tabulation of the election results. These appeals must be filed with the CEC no later than two days after the day the ZEC took a decision on the results. Providing that the appeal is submitted on time and meets other legal requirements, the CEC must adjudicate the appeal within ten days. Any delay by a ZEC to take a decision on the election results could protract this stage of the appeals process.

In addition to hearing appeals on ZEC decisions regarding election results, the CEC can also consider requests to invalidate an election at an individual voting centre, an election zone or zones, or the entire election. Elections can be invalidated by the CEC if: (1) there were violations of the law; (2) a natural disaster happens; or (3) the voting did not begin or was suspended for more than six hours and if the electoral process has been affected to such a degree that it may have impacted the allocation of mandates in the election units or on a national level. [Note: 2 Source: Article 117 of the Code (see Albanian version) permits the CEC to invalidate elections even if there is no potential impact on the allocation of mandates. However, in such a case, the election is not repeated.] A request for invalidation must be filed within ten days of the date of the elections. [Note: 3 If the CEC receives a request to invalidate the results in an election zone and also an appeal against a ZEC decision on the election result, then the CEC firstly adjudicates the request to invalidate the result. The CEC must consult with the respective ZEC before taking a decision to invalidate the results in an election zone.] Where the elections are invalidated, the CEC should order the holding of a re-run election. [Note: 4 The Election code requires the CEC to repeat the election in the entire electoral zone (see Albanian version).] All re-run elections in all electoral zones should take place on the same day, which must be no later than four weeks from the day of the CEC decision to re-run the election. The Electoral Code only permits the re-run of the election zone contests. While the CEC is able to invalidate part of the party-list election, those parts of the party-list election which have been invalidated are not repeated.

The CEC takes decisions on appeals against ZEC decisions on election results or requests to invalidate elections by qualified majority of five of its seven members. If the appeal or request does not receive this majority, it is considered ‘rejected’. Electoral subjects can appeal the CEC’s decision to the Electoral College, provided that it is submitted no later than five days after the CEC’s decision. The Electoral College, which consists of eight judges chosen by lottery from a pool of all appellate judges, decides cases in panels composed of five members also chosen by lottery. The Electoral College has ten days to adjudicate an appeal.

Observers will closely follow the appeals process, devoting particular attention to how the Electoral College fulfils its obligation to provide written decisions describing the evidence and reasons supporting the decision. The EOM will also devote particular attention to whether political parties interfere with, or fail to respect, the principles of judicial independence.

Adjudication of Appeals

By 13 July, some 281 appeals against ZEC decisions on election results had been filed with the CEC [Note: 5 Of these, 54 were filed by the DP or parties in the AFJW coalition; 92 appeals were filed by the SP or parties in the outgoing governing coalition; 21 appeals were filed by the SMI; and 114 appeals were filed by all other parties.] Of these, 96 were not considered because they were not submitted in the correct legal format or past the deadline. The remaining 185 appeals have been adjudicated, apart from four which have been suspended pending a ruling on a request to invalidate zone election results. The CEC accepted two appeals, against the decisions of ZECs 35 and 37, where the majority of ZEC members voted against the aggregate table of results. As of 13 July, seven appeals have been filed with the Electoral College. Two were rejected for procedural reasons. The Electoral College has suspended hearing one appeal while it awaits for evidence it has requested from the CEC. The other appeals are scheduled to be heard on 16 July.

The CEC has received a total of 107 requests to invalidate election results. Seven of these were not in the correct legal format and were not considered. Most of the remaining 100 requests to invalidate elections concern specific zones [Note: 6 Of the 100 pending requests to invalidate, 43 were filed by the Coalition Albanian Social Parties and Party of National Unity, 36 by the SP, 10 by the DP, 3 by the SMI, 2 by the HRUP, and one each by the New Democratic Party, Democratic Alliance, Demo-Christian Party, Labour Party, Communist Party, and an independent candidate (EZ 100).] However, two request the invalidation of the party-list election in all 100 zones. The CEC started hearing requests to invalidate an election on 14 July.

Many of the appeals filed with the CEC lack merit. However, the CEC appeared to be deciding many appeals hurriedly, without taking the time necessary to consider all the evidence requested by parties. The CEC has yet to review the contents of a ballot box, which some parties believe will substantiate their claims that votes for the party-list election were not counted honestly in some zones. Although the ballot recount provisions were removed from the law in January 2005, the Code still permits the CEC discretion to recount or re-evaluate ballots if it feels this is necessary in order to make a decision on an appeal.


V. TIMEFRAME TO CONVENE THE NEWLY ELECTED PARLIAMENT

The Electoral Code provides that the CEC takes a decision on the final election results only after the adjudication of all outstanding appeals, including those heard by the Electoral College. The decision must be taken no later than three days from the day the CEC receives all official data from election commissions and the courts. The final election results, as announced by the CEC, include the results for each of the single-mandate election zones as well as the number of supplementary mandates allocated to party lists.

The Constitution provides that the President of Albania calls the first session of the newly elected Parliament “no later than 20 days from the conclusion of the elections”. If the President fails to call this meeting, then the Parliament ‘convenes itself’ no later than ten days after the expiry of the 20-day deadline. The mandate of the Parliament elected in 2001 continues until the first meeting of the incoming Parliament.

Pursuant to Article 106 of the Constitution, the current Prime Minister and ministers retain their offices until the appointment of the new Council of Ministers. Article 96 of the Constitution requires that “at the beginning of a legislature (sic)”, the President appoints the Prime Minister on the proposal of the party or coalition of parties that has the majority of seats in the Parliament. The President’s appointment of Prime Minister is subject to approval of the Parliament. Under Article 98, a minister is appointed by the President on the proposal of the Prime Minister. The President’s decree on appointment is reviewed by the Parliament within ten days.


[19.7.2005] Den Centrale Valgkommission udtaler:

The CEC – The III interim report of OSCE / ODIHR, a complete view of post-election developments

[19.07.2005] The Central Elections Commission highly appreciates the role of the Election Observation Mission of OSCE / ODIHR and other international organizations in the framework of elections to the Assembly of Albania.

The Central Elections Commission states that the third interim report of Election Monitoring Mission of OSCE / ODIHR gives a complete view of the post-election conducts in regard to the ballot counting process and the process of complaints filed with and examined by the CEC.

The Central Elections Commission declares that the great number of post-election complaints and then of requests on the invalidity of election, have posed the CEC to a difficult situation regarding the decision-making within restricted deadlines, provided for in the Electoral Code of Albania.

However, as it is described in the third interim report of Election Observation Mission of OSCE / ODIHR, most of complaints filed with the CEC lack merit, while the examination of requests on the invalidity of election is in its first steps.

The Central Elections Commission is focused on the transparent and legal adjudication of requests on the invalidity of elections and will fairly reflect in regard to the suggestions given by international experts on elections.


Det trækker ud med at afholde første møde i det nye Parlament. Ifølge Forfatningen skal første møde indkaldes af Præsidenten og afholdes senest 20 dage efter afslutningen af parlamentsvalget; men indkaldelsen kan ikke ske, når det er usikkert hvem der er medlemmer - og hvem der ikke er medlemmer. Afslutningen af parlamentsvalget er noget andet end afholdelsen af Parlamentsvalget, og udtrykket - afslutningen - er valgt med omhu. Det springende punkt er med andre ord hvornår Den Centrale Valgkommission kan erklære valget for afsluttet. Jf. Præsident Moisiu's fortolkning 26.07.2005. Nedenfor følger et citat fra OSCE/ODIHR's rapport og artikel 67 i Forfatningen:

The Electoral Code provides that the CEC takes a decision on the final election results only after the adjudication of all outstanding appeals, including those heard by the Electoral College. The decision must be taken no later than three days from the day the CEC receives all official data from election commissions and the courts. The final election results, as announced by the CEC, include the results for each of the single-mandate election zones as well as the number of supplementary mandates allocated to party lists.

-

Article 67

1. The newly elected Assembly is called to its first meeting by the President of the Republic no later than 20 days from the conclusion of the elections.

2. If the President of the Republic does not exercise this power, the Assembly must convene itself within 10 days from the end of the term provided in paragraph 1 of this article.


[19.07.-20.07.2005] PM Fatos Nano og Blendi Klosi har hver især udtalt sig om den aktuelle situation. Nano understreger at Regeringen er i funktion og opfordrer Sali Berisha til ikke at etablere en parallel regering. Klosi udtaler at Socialistpartiet er enig med OSCE/ODIHR-rapporten i at man skal afvente tingenes rette gang og han opfordrer Den Centrale Valgkommission til ikke at bøje sig for politisk pres.


[21.07.2005] Den Centrale Valgkommission har afvist klagen fra nuv. økonomiminister Anastas Angjeli. Ylli Pango er derfor valgt i kreds 38 (Tirana) og Angjeli ikke længere medlem af Parlamentet.


[21.07.2005] »Shekulli« skriver at Paskal Milo's 'nye' Socialdemokrater ikke vil gå med i Sali Berisha's kommende regering. Man har drøftet Berisha's invitation grundigt i Partiledelsen, men finder ikke at der er tilstrækkelig store muligheder for at fremme partiets socialt orienterede politik i en Demokratisk ledet regering. Man vil fortsat arbejde for at Albanien kommer til at indgå i de 'euro-atlantiske strukturer' og man vil gøre hvad man kan for at bekæmpe korruptionen. (Milo's parti vil formentlig - ligesom Ilir Meta's Integrationsparti - lægge sig i en slags midterposition mellem Socialisterne og Demokraterne).




Albanske Politikere på besøg i Portugal i slutningen af 2003. Fra venstre: Eric Filipink (OSCE), Mustafa Muçi, Vangjel Dule, Anastas Angjeli, Jozefina Topalli, Ilir Zela og Fatmir Mediu. Foto: OSCE


[23.07.2005] Demokraterne (Berisha) har afsluttet en første forhandlingsrunde om dannelsen af en ny regering med De Kristelige Demokrater (Lesi), Ny-Demokraterne (Pollo), Republikanerne (Mediu) og Menneskerettighedspartiet (Dule). Der foreligger ikke noget om en regeringsaftale eller om fordeling af poster.


[25.07.2005] Den Centrale Valgkommission har kasseret kredsafstemningen i zone 2. Der skal derfor afholdes omvalg dér på et senere tidspunkt. Desuden er afstemningen om proportionelle mandater kasseret forskellige andre steder (hvilket ikke får konsekvenser for resulatetet) - ligesom der er afvist yderligere nogle klager. Kommissionen skriver:

[25.07.2005]The CEC decided today to announce the invalidity of elections for single-member zones in election zone no. 2. The CEC decision establishes re-run of the elections for candidates in all the polling stations of this zone, 70 polling stations with a number of 22,466 voters. The election process failed to be held in 19 polling stations of this zone on July 3d, 2005. The date of elections re-run will be set by the CEC at the end of the appeal for the invalidity of elections in the Electoral College of Tirana Court of Appeals.

The Central Election Commission decided to declare the invalidity of the results for electoral subjects (the proportional ones) in 19 voting centers of ZEC no. 2, 2 voting centers in zone 8 and in all the voting centers of Zone 92. The results of the above Voting Centers are not included in the table of allocation of supplemental seats by the CEC and do not influence the result of political parties and coalitions.

The CEC also decided to reject the claims for invalidity of elections in Zone 15 and 24.


[26.07.2005] Omvalg i kreds 64? ADN skriver:

The Central Election Commission (CEC) decided Tuesday that voting should be repeated in constituency 64 in Lushnje, west Albania, arguing irregularities had seriously affected the region's results in the July 3 parliamentary polls.The request for voting repetition was filed by the Socialist candidate, Et'hem Ruka and that of the Democratic Party (DP), Ilir Bano, though the latter had a slight advantage over his contender.


[26.07.2006] Præsident Moisiu's juridiske rådgiver - Artur Metani - har holdt pressemøde om hvornår Parlamentet skulle træde sammen. Han sagde at efter hans opfattelse skulle Parlamentet træde sammen senest 20 dage efter valgets afslutning [hvilket svarer til fortolkningen lidt højere oppe]. Nominering af ny Premierminister vil ske i forbindelse med det første møde i det nye Parlament. Første møde kan muligvis finde sted 10.08. Præsidentkontoret har udsendt flg.:

Lately there have been various interpretations expressed by different individuals and by the media regarding the deadlines of the new Assembly gathering by the President of the Republic. First of all, I can say that it would have been more responsible by the politicians and by these individuals that express their views in public to better consult the law which they have approved and to have more correctness in the relations with the President of the Republic. For this reason I would like to clarify about the deadline of the Constitution on the gathering of the Assembly of Albania.

The Article 67 of the Constitution determines that “The newly elected Assembly is called on its first session by the President of the Republic no later than twenty days from the end of the elections.” The issue is what will we consider as the end of the elections: the date July 3, therefore the day when the voting process ended, or the end of the elections is a wider process than the voting on July 3? I think that the end of the elections does not include only July 3, but also the electoral process in its entirety, therefore the electoral campaign, the voting day, the decisions issued by the Electoral Zoning Commissions, the decisions of the Central Electoral Commission, the complains in the Electoral Panel and the process ends with the issuing of the final decisions on the complains by the Panel. The answer to this question is provided also by the Electoral Code, which in its Article 29 foresees that: “The Central Electoral Commission declares the final result of the elections countrywide based on the results issued by the EZC-s and after the conclusion of the review of the complains in the court. The declaring of the results is done no later than three days from the date when the Central Election Commission receives all the data from the zoning commissions and the judicial decisions.

Thus if we talk about concrete deadlines, the discussions on the gathering of the Assembly can start after the conclusion of this process, around August 10. I say August 10, because the Central Election Commission should have concluded the reviewing process of the complains before the deadline foreseen by the law, before July 23. However, CEC is continuing its work and I believe that in a few days it will conclude the reviewing of its cases. It must be said that these are maximal deadlines and perhaps the complains in the Electoral Panel and the process in general ends quickly. After the conclusion of the reviewing of the complains in CEC, every electoral party has a five days deadline to present the complain to the Electoral Panel and then it is the panel that must take a decision in ten days. After the last decision of the Panel, the Central Election Commission must declare the final result of the elections in three days. Therefore, after the reviewing of the last case by the Central Election Commission this week, there do remain another eighteen days to have the result of the elections.

Question: Can the President nominate the leader of the party that has won the majority of the Assembly as the prime minister?

Answer: The Constitution determines in the Article 96 that: “The President of the Republic nominates the prime minister in the beginning of the legislature.” In my juridical concept, the beginning of the legislature is the fist day of the Assembly; therefore after the Assembly is gathered then the negations for the prime minister and the new government can start.


[26.07.2005] Lufter Xhuveli Præsident i 2007? Det forlyder at Miljøpartiet der ledes af Lufter Xhuveli vil få et par viceministerposter i den kommende Berisha-regering, nemlig i landbrugs- og miljøministerierne. Desuden har Berisha lovet at støtte Lufter Xhuveli's kandidatur som præsident, når den nuværende præsidents valgperiode udløber i sommeren 2007.


[27.07.2005] Ben Blushi, Socialisterne, udtaler sig selvkritisk iflg. ADN:

The Socialist Party (SP) did not conduct an adequate fight against the corruption phenomenon and did not coordinate its actions with the left-wing junior allies leading to a higher number of mandates in Parliament for the right-wing coalition, the Minister of Local Power and Decentralization, Ben Blushi said Wednesday.




[29.07.2005] De Internationale handler efter at der i øjeblikket er to Regeringer, en Nano-regering og en Berisha-regering. Orsalia Kalantzopoulos - der leder Verdensbankens Albaniens-aktiviteter (og andre aktiviteter i SØ-Europa) - har været på besøg både hos Vicepremierminister Namik Dokle og Finansminister Malaj (billedet ovenfor) - og kommende Premierminister Sali Berisha (billedet nedenfor).




[29.07.25] Dertil kommer at Præsident Moisiu har tilkaldt Finansminister Malaj og nogle af hans Direktører for at indskærpe at lovgivningen skal håndhæves, her mht virksomhedsbeskatningen. Muligvis er det Malaj der har bedt om mødet for at demonstrere politisk legitimitet, selv om der står at mødet blev indkaldt af Præsidenten? Efter mødet udsendte Præsidentkontoret flg. meddelelse:

  

The President of the Republic, Alfred Moisiu called in a meeting the Minister of Financing, Arben Malaj, the General Director of Taxations, Ardian Kamberi and also the commanded Director of Customs, Genc Çeli.

The Minister of Finances, the directors of taxations and customs informed President Moisiu about the progress of the economic development in the country, the fulfillment of the economic indicators and also the work being carried out by the institutions that they head.

On his part, President Moisiu stressed the importance of continuing the work with high responsibility by the taxations and customs, which are two very important pillars of the state. Especially the taxation and customs administration must fulfill with responsibility the given objectives in accordance to the law. “Already, – stated President Moisiu, – must be clear that the elections are held according to the Constitution and the laws have their own continuity and are drafted to be implemented. No one must think that this prolonging of the post-electoral period, which is legally allowed, can allow deviations from the legal, taxing and customs obligations.”

All those cases that avoid paying the fees at the customs must be face penal consequences for both the customs officials and also the businessmen.


Sali Berisha siger at han vil danne en Regering med 80 mandater i ryggen; Socialdemokraternes Skender Gjinushi mener at der efter omvalg i 4 kredse kan dannes en slags midterregering uden om Nano og Berisha, som han siger begge er skyld i den politiske krise. Makfax skriver bl.a.:

The Democratic Party leader Sali Berisha said Thursday that Democrats and ethnic Greek party have agreed to build a coalition thus providing 80 seats in 140-member Albanian Parliament.

Berisha said the consent to build a coalition with the ethnic-Greek Party for Human Rights came after the Democrats decided to hand over the Ministry of Labor & Social Policy to ethnic Greek party. Vangel Dule of the Party for Human Rights is likely to take up the post of Labor & Social Policy Minister.

On the other hand, Social Democrats leader Skender Gjinushi claims the new Albanian government can be formed without the leaders of the leftists and rightists, Fatos Nano and Sali Berisha, due to results of re-vote in four electoral districts slated for Sunday.

Gjinushi said the pre-election analyses show a significant lead of small pro-leftist parties, thus the leftist-rightist balance in the Albanian Parliament can be achieved with 71 to 73 MEPs from the two blocs.

Gjinushi lodges strong criticism against Socialists leader Fatos Nano and Democrats leader Sali Berisha, holding them accountable for the major political crisis that the country is undergoing.


[02.08.2005] Præsident Moisiu har anmodet partierne (muligvis især Socialisterne) om at undlade at lægge pres på den Centrale Valgkommission og at respektere dens afgørelser. ADN skriver:

President Alfred Moisiu urged political parties to stop exerting pressure on the Electoral College of the Court of Appeals and accept the decisions ruled by it, official sources form the presidency were quoted Tuesday by local media as saying."Parties must respect the law and contribute to the enhancement of the judiciary independence from politics," sources quoted the President as saying.


[02.08.2005] Demokraternes Jozefina Topalli siger at det har negative konsekvenser for Albanien at det trækker ud med valgets afslutning. I mellemtiden forhandler Demokraterne videre om dannelsen af en ny regering - pt er det Ny-Demokraterne (Genc Pollo) man taler med. SET skriver bl.a.:

The Democratic Party (DP), which won the 3 July parliamentary elections, warned on Monday (1 August) that delays in finalising the election process are creating "an institutional vacuum". According to DP deputy leader Jozefina Topalli, this is demonstrated by a post-election rise in economic crimes, including tax evasion, and a drop in state income.


[02.08.2005] OSCE har offentliggjort et interview som »Tirana Times« har taget med OSCE's Ambasssadør, Pavel Vacek. Interviewet kan downloades fra: http://www.osce.org/item/15887.html. Vacek siger ikke meget om valget, men henviser til allerede offentliggjorte og til kommende rapporter fra ODIHR. Nedenfor et par citater, dels om 'valg-taktik', dels om OSCE's rolle:

6. It appears that we will have unexpected results. For example, the party, which, according to results announced by the CEC, is to form the new government, won less than ten per cent of the votes, while, some other party, which has never managed to cross the parliamentary threshold since it was founded, has received 20.5 per cent of the votes. Is this due to a faulty electoral system and or Code?

First, you are talking about the results in the proportional vote which only distributes 40 out of 140 seats in the Assembly. Second, the strategic voting schemes, or the "Dushk" schemes, have been sufficiently explained in ODIHR reports and their possible effects have been demonstrated. The OSCE, the EU and other international actors encouraged Albanian parties to be transparent with their Dushk schemes. Political parties made use of what the system allowed, some more and some less efficiently. It is not the Electoral Code itself which should be blamed. Let us see if the political parties will have the will to develop safeguards against the abuse of the system in the next round of electoral reform. How to do that will also depend on the electoral system opted for.

7. Do you believe that the so-called Mega-Dushk phenomenon distorted the real will of the electorate?

It is up to the Albanian voters to tell. After all, it is they who cast the ballots. I can see the debate unfold in the media. Of course, people ask themselves the question if it is fair to see parties who were below the threshold of eligibility in opinion polls end up with several seats in the Assembly.

11. Will the OSCE be leading a new electoral reform for future elections? What would this reform actually consist of?

We are ready to assist if we are wanted. The reform should primarily address the conceptual issue – what system the parties want. That is entirely an Albanian affair. The technical questions, including the language of the legislation derive from the concept opted for. The current system can be further improved; a purely proportional and purely majoritarian system would each entail a different set of technical problems to address. Further improvement of voter lists, better procedures for vote counting, possibly also out-of-country voting are the issues which should be addressed irrespective of the choice of the electoral system.


[050805] OSCE har offentliggjort et ATA-interview med Pavel Vacek, OSCE Ambassadør i Albanien:

Albanian Telegraphic Agency, 5 August 2005

Interview of the Head of the OSCE Presence in Albania, Ambassador Pavel Vacek

Journalist: Marsjola Duro

1. Given all the information on the election process provided so far, do you think that the 3 July 2005 parliamentary elections are acceptable?

* Its not up to me to pass such judgement but to the Albanian institutions, the Central Election Commission (CEC) and the Electoral College. Their decisions should be respected. The ODIHR Elections Observation Mission will produce their final report approximately a month after the final results are declared, but its not their practice to pass a verdict on – as you put it – the acceptability of elections.

2. You have declared that the election process has not ended yet. What do you expect to change until the final election results are declared?

* The election process continues indeed because the Electoral College and the CEC continue adjudicating the complaints and appeals. The Electoral College is to complete their adjudication of appeals. The CEC has to set the date for the re-runs of elections. Re-runs seem to be likely, I stress, seem to be likely in a limited number of zones. Hopefully, there will be no irregularities in the election re-runs -and consequently no complaints and appeals -which should allow the CEC to declare the final results without further delay.

3. The local political establishment, the international actors and the Presence have already recognized that the last general elections marked a step forward. What is this step?

* For me, the biggest step forward has been made by the Albanian voters, who exerted their right to vote in impressive numbers and have been patiently waiting for the completion of work by the CEC and the College. The increased respect for the law and institutions is a clear sign of progress, of civic discipline. Of course, the overall detailed assessment of the elections will have to be provided by the ODIHR/EOM and is bound to draw a mixed picture of good and bad things.

4. What do you think about the role of the political leadership in the post-election period in the country?

* I hope they have been well advised to follow the attitude of the citizens, that is to respect the law and the election institutions.

5. The current electoral law and the Presence have drawn criticism from the smaller parties and the media. Do you think that this law would still be good if Albania would hold elections again in the future?

* Even if the political representation opts for retaining the current law, there is work to be done to further improve it. There have been international recommendations from the past that have not been followed in the previous reform and there are further lessons emerging from the 3rd July and the vote counting process. However, I hear political parties talk of a departure from the current system based on the mix of majoritarian and proportional vote– in such case the next reform would be about more than just improvements of the current Electoral Code. These are issues for the new Assembly -we will be ready to assist.

6. What are the phases that the Presence is going to monitor from today until the new government will be formed?

* The election re-runs should be observed by international observers but its not the Presence which will be in charge of that. The ODIHR Election Observation Mission remains in charge, the Presence may provide them with technical support. I guess that domestic observer organisations will also be interested in re-activating for the reruns. I hope that re-runs will be free of irregularities of the 3rd July and of the vote-counting that followed.


[050809] Den Centrale Valgkommission har besluttet at der 21.8. skal være omvalg i 3 kredse: 2 (Shkodra-området), 64 (Lushnja-området) og 90 (Gjirokastra-området). Alle kredse der i tabellen nedenfor er noteret som 'Demokratiske'.

Kommentar: Selv om alle tre mandater skulle skifte farve fra blå til rød, ville det ikke ændre ved at Berisha har et flertal bag sig, men det vil gøre det endnu tydeligere at han skal anstrenge sig for at få sin koalition til at fungere. Koalitionen kan i nogen grad bringes til at fungere ved at Berisha 'deler ud til alle sider', men på afgørende politikområder - hvor der er uenighed mellem koalitionspartierne - skal han skabe mere komplekse kompromiser. Det er fortsat uden for rækkevidde for Fatos Nano at etablere en arbejdsduelig koalition med et flertal bag sig.

Hvad resultaterne vil blive af omvalgene er svært at spå om; måske vil Socialisterne få ét af mandaterne, Demokraterne to. Resultatet af valget 3.7. vil naturligvis spille ind: Nogle vil føle sig animeret til at styrke sejrherrerne, andre til at styrke Socialisterne. Nogle - fra begge sider - vil mene at det kan være lige meget at stemme, fordi det overordnede resultat ligger fast. Men hvad der især kan spille ind er at mange - der arbejdede i udlandet 3.7. - er i Albanien på ferie og derfor har mulighed for at stemme. Valgdeltagelsen 3.7. var generelt lav og i øvrigt også meget skæv, geografisk set. Oversigt og kommentarer kan findes på: http://bjoerna.net/sidste-nyt/265.htm#Valgdeltagelsen.


[050809] ADN skriver:

The repetition of elections in three constituencies do not constitute an impediment for the convention of the new Parliament. The President's political adviser, Afrim Krasniqi, said that for that it should be waited for the end of the complaints which the Central Elections Committee (CEC) is examining.

The Central Election Commission (CEC) in its Monday's meeting set August 21 as the date when the voting process will be repeated in three constituencies. Voting is to be conducted in constituency 2 in Shkoder, north Albania, where the Socialist Party (SP) candidate Pal Lera runs in front of the Democratic Party (DP) candidate, Astrit Bushati, in constituency 64 in Lushnja, west Albania, where the Socialist Et'hem Ruka runs against the Democrat Ilir Bano and in constituency 90 in Gjirokaster, south Albania where electors will choose between the SP's Makbule Ceco and the DP's Genc Ruli.


[11.-16.08.2005] På nuværende tidspunkt har Sali Berisha indgået skriftlige samarbejdsaftaler med Republikanerne der ledes af Fatmir Mediu, Menneskerettighedspartiet (PBDNJ - HRUP) der ledes af Vangjel Dule , Agrar- og Miljøpartiet der ledes af Lufter Xhuveli og De Liberale Demokrater (LDUP) der ledes af Arjan Starova. Starova er i øvrigt formand for Atlantsammenslutningen i Albanien (tidligere var det den nuv. Præsident, Alfred Moisiu).

Når Sali Berisha har været interesseret i at samarbejde med Menneskerettighedspartiet - der bl.a. repræsenterer medlemmer af den Græske Minoritet i det sydlige Albanien - skyldes det givetvis at han ønsker at vise at han er positivt sindet mht et samarbejde sydover. Han er hidtil blevet opfattet som skeptisk og negativ over for Grækenland, hvad der ikke har været helt grundløst.





Det ventes at der også snart indgås en aftale med Reformdemokraterne der ledes af Genc Pollo. Når denne aftale ikke allerede er på plads, skyldes det formentlig at Pollo ønsker en bedre betaling end Berisha umiddelbart har været parat til at give. Når Berisha er i gang med at indgå de andre aftaler har det flere formål; ét af dem er muligvis at presse Pollo. [16.08.] Demokraterne havde lagt op til at aftalen med Reformdemokraterne [De Nye Demokrater] skulle underskrives 16.0., men det forlyder at Genc Pollo har udskudt underskrivelsen af en endelig aftale enten af tekniske eller af taktiske grunde. [18.08.] Aftalen mellem Berisha og Pollo blev indgået i dag og præsenteret på et pressemøde. Reformdemokraterne får indflydelse på Regeringsgrundlaget og får posten som Undervisningsminister.

De Kristelige Demokrater - der ledes af Nikolle Lesi - får ikke nogen plads i Regeringen - hverken på Minister- eller Viceministerniveau - men får muligvis en Præfekt; Lesi er øjensynlig utilfreds.


Ministerposter: [19.08.2005] Regeringen får 14 ministerier. Politiministeriet og Decentraliseringsministeriet bliver slået sammen til et Indenrigsministerium. Berisha's samarbejdspartnere får 4 af Ministerposterne (foruden poster på lavere niveau): Arbejdsministeriet går til Menneskerettighedspartiet. Miljøministeriet til Agrar- og Miljøpartiet. Forsvarsministeriet til Det Republikanske Parti. Undervisningsministeriet til Reformdemokraterne.


Præsident Moisiu har foretaget forskellige sonderinger; han er tilsyneladende tøvende mht at indkalde det nye Parlament og vil muligvis vente til der foreligger et fuldstændigt resultat i slutningen af august - eller evt. først i begyndelsen af september. Sali Berisha ser gerne at Parlamentet indkaldes snart, mens Socialisternes Generalsekretær - Gramoz Ruci - mener Præsidenten bør vente til alle mandater er afklaret. Præsident Moisiu mødtes 16.08. med henholdsvis Sali Berisha og Gramoz Ruci. Efter mødet udsendte Præsidentkontoret flg.:

The President of the Republic, Alfred Moisiu, received on Tuesday in separate meetings representatives from the country’s two largest political parties, Democratic Party Chairman Sali Berisha and Socialist Party General Secretary Gramoz Ruçi.

The main theme of the talks had to do with the political developments in the country and the elections scheduled for Aug. 21.

President Moisiu expressed his concern with the prolonging of the electoral process and called on political parties to use their political stances to help in bringing a closure to the electoral process and the process of having new post-electoral Constitution-based institutions start their work.

The Head of State asked that political forces to react with calm and full accountability as well as to fully respect the Constitution, the laws and the will of the people expressed on July 3.

On their part, Mr. Berisha and Mr. Ruçi appreciated President Moisiu’s invitation to attend the meeting and the problems he raised.

They then expressed the views of the political parties they represent on the developments in the country and their will for holding calm and normal elections in the three electoral zones.


Socialdemokraterne's Skender Gjinushi hævder at Sali Berisha's Centrum-Højre Koalition bygger på et fiktivt grundlag, men det har han næppe ret i - selv hvis der i den kommende tid skulle blive flyttet nogle mandater, enten pga beslutninger i den Centrale Valgkommission eller pga omvalgene 21.8. Desuden mener han at det er umoralsk at Agrar- og Miljøpartiet er svinget over til Berisha, for Partiet har opnået sine stemmer på et andet grundlag.


Hvor er Fatos Nano? Efter sigende er han på ferie i udlandet. Vice-PM Namik Dokle tager sig af de daglige Regeringsforretninger, mens Socialisternes Generalsekretær, Gramoz Ruci, taler på partiets vegne.

[15.08.2005-19.08.2005] Fatos Nano er vendt tilbage fra 3 ugers ferie; han har været i Gjirokastra for at sætte gang i valgkampen i kreds 90, hvor Socialisternes Makbule Ceco er oppe imod Demokraternes Genc Ruli; senere har han været i Lushnja - og sidst har han været i Shkodra-området, hvor han i øvrigt rendte ind i en 'Demokratisk' demonstration. Nano skal have sagt (skriver »Shekulli«) at det gik så dårligt for Socialisterne 3.7., fordi de levede op til de Europæiske standarder, mens Demokraterne satte sig ud over dem. I øvrigt siger han (ifølge andre kilder) at Socialisterne vil kunne samle et andet flertal end dét Berisha er i gang med - hvis de vinder de tre mandater 21.8. ... Mon det er påstande Nano selv tror på? [20.08.2005] Noget tyder på at Nano nu er ved at forberede sin afgang, der skal være givet besked rundt til Ministerierne om at gøre klar til en overdragelsesforretning [og adskilligt af materialet på Premierministerens internetside er slettet ... - MEN: det dukkede op igen 21.08]


Blandt fremtrædende Socialister er der betydelig surhed over valgresultatet. Det gælder bl.a. nogle af de Ministre der ikke er blevet genvalgt, Angjeli, Islami og Toska. Man er bl.a. efter Ylli Bufi som var med til at forhandle ændringerne i valgsystemet, herunder vedrørende fordelingen af de 40 proportionelle Mandater.


[20.08.2005] Sali Berisha har - som Fatos Nano - været rundt i omvalgskredsene. I Gjirokastra har han talt om udbygning af vejen Tepelena-Cerrik-Tirane, og Kandidate, Genc Ruli, lover at Gjirokastra skal blive »a bijou of the national culture«.


Alliancer? Socialisterne så gerne at fx Ilir Meta's Integrationssocialister ville pege på Socialistiske kandidater ved omvalgene sådan som Socialdemokraterne vil. Det ser imidlertid ud til at Meta vil stille vælgerne frit (hvilket også svarer bedst til Meta's politik op til valget 3.7., hvor han distancerede sig tydeligt fra Socialistpartiet). Menneskerettighedspartiet har skiftet side og anbefaler at man stemmer på Demokraterne. Selv om Socialisterne sætter alle sejl til, er deres 'alliance' blevet svækket en kende, mens Demokraternes tilsvarende er blevet styrket.


[18.07.2005] USAs Ambassadør i Tirana, Marcie Ries, har på det senere haft møder med hhv. Præsident Moisiu og Demokraternes Leder, Sali Berisha. Desuden har den Engelske Ambassadør (og dén der pt repræsenterer EU-formandskabet) haft møde med Sali Berisha.


Omvalgene 21.08: Udskiftning af medlemmer i de lokale valgkommissioner? Socialisterne har forlangt at kommissionsmedlemmer fra Menneskerettighedspartiet erstattes med medlemmer fra DAP (Demokratisk Allianceparti); dette har den Centrale Valgkommission afvist; de pgl. er udpeget i overensstemmelse med reglerne, og man ønsker ikke at tilsidesætte dem.







Jørgen Grunnet besøger Præsident Moisiu i Dhërmi


Omvalgene 21.08: ODIHR's Missionschef Jørgen Grunnet er vendt tilbage til Albanien for at følge omvalgene, han har bl.a. haft møder med Sali Berisha fra Demokraterne, Udenrigsminister Kastriot Islami og Valentina Leskaj, begge fra Socialisterne; Fatos Nano er øjensynlig anderswo engagiert. ATA skriver bl.a.:

Foreign Minister Kastriot Islami asked today a greater presence and a more profound and qualified observation by international monitors not only on the voting day but also during the count and tabulation of the final result.



Valgdagen 21.08.2005 og derefter


POLICE-SENIOR OFFICIALS - THE POLICE OF STATE SENDS THREE SENIOR POLICE OFFICIALS TO ATTEND THE PROGRESS OF ELECTIONS IN THREE... 21/08/2005 10:39:12

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KREDS 2

PARTIAL ELECTIONS-SHKODER-3 VOTING CENTERS - VOTING HAS NOT STARTED YET IN THREE VOTING CENTERS OF CONSTITUENCY 2 IN SHKODER 21/08/2005 10:16:33

ELECTIONS-INTERRUPTION-KULLAJ-SHKODER - ELECTION PROCESS IN VOTING CENTER 86 OF SHKODER DISTRICT INTERRUPTED 21/08/2005 11:16:06

RESTART-VOTE-KULLAJ-SHKODER - THE ELECTORAL PROCESS IN BALLOT BOX NO. 86 HAS RESTARTED 21/08/2005 11:47:39

DEPUTY PREMIER DOKLE SAYS THAT 'VOTING PROCESS IN CONSTITUENCY 2 IN SHKODER IS PROCEEDING NORMALLY' ... 21/08/2005 15:17:16

CEC CHAIRMAN GOES AT CONSTITUENCY NO. 2 TO VERIFY IRREGULARITIES ON ELECTOR LISTS 21/08/2005 15:44:06

VOTING PROCESS IN TWO POLLING-STATIONS OF CONSTITUENCY NO. 2 NOT OPENED YET 21/08/2005 17:19:04

VOTING PROCESS IN POLLING STATION 23 IN REGION OF SHKODRA INTERRUPTED 21/08/2005 18:18:03

ELECTIONS NOT YET STARTING AT POLLING STATION 23 IN SHKODER REGION 21/08/2005 19:30:07

ZEC OF ZONE 2 IN SHKODER RECEIVES DOCUMENTS OF 43 BALLOT BOXES OF POSTRIBE, GRUEMIRE AND PULT COMMUN... 21/08/2005 22:02:51 The Zonal Election Commission (ZEC) of electoral district 2 in Shkoder region has received 43 ballot boxes from Postribe, Gruemire and Pult communes. The ZEC has also received two ballot boxes, which resulted broken, respectively from the polling station 8 in Grizhaj village of commune Gruemire as well as from the polling station 23 in Rrash ...

COUNTING OF BALLOT BOXES IN 30 POLL STATIONS OF CONSTITUENCY 2 IN SHKODER FINISHED 22/08/2005 16:37:27 [dvs at der mangler 40]. CEC oplyser "efter" 25 valgsteder at Demokraternes Astrit Bushati har et mindre forspring ift Socialisternes Pal Lera; ... meget kan dog ændre sig ...

18:25 Der er optalt for 40 ud af 70 valgsteder. Demokraternes Astrit Bushati har øget forspringet. Han har foreløbig fået 3458 stemmer mod Pal Lera's 2414. Men der mangler fortsat 30 valgsteder.

20:45 Der er optalt for 50 valgsteder. Bushati's forspring er øget. Han har nu 4309 stemmer, Lera: 2932. Det ser ud til at Bushati får mandatet.

Tirsdag 23.08 Bushati's forspring er øget endnu mere. Han har nu 5653 stemmer mod 3598 til Lera. Der mangler (kl. 14:30) kun at blive talt 10 valgsteder.

Tirsdag ca. kl. 21:00 Bushati har sammenlagt fået 6818 stemmer, Lera 3832 (Kilde: ATA) [Tallene er senere blevet korrigeret en smule, se lige nedenfor]





Den Centrale Valgkommission kunne først 1.9.2005 offentliggøre stemmetallene for Zone 2. Som det kan ses har Bushati fået 6743, Lera 3765. Desuden er der afgivet et meget lille antal stemmer på andre Kandidater.

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KREDS 64

PARTIAL ELECTIONS-ZEC-LUSHNJE - ZONAL ELECTION COMMISSION STARTS WORK IN CONSTITUENCY 64 IN LUSHNJE DISTRICT 21/08/2005 09:57:26

ELECTIONS-LUSHNJE - ELECTION PROCESS IN CONSTITUENCY 64 IN LUSHNJE PROCEEDS NORMALLY 21/08/2005 11:29:50

THE TURN OUT IN THE ELECTION IN CONSTITUENCY NO 64 IN LUSHNJE ESTIMATED TO BE HIGH 21/08/2005 12:13:17

THE ELECTORAL PROCESS IN ZONE 2030 IN LICAJ VILLAGE OF LUSHNJE CANCELED 21/08/2005 12:45:10

VOTING PROCESS RESTARTS IN POLLING-STATION NO. 2030 IN LUSHNJA DISTRICT 21/08/2005 15:19:53

SOME 43% OF ELECTORS HAVE UNTIL NOW CAST THEIR BALLOT IN CONSTITUENCY 64 IN LUSHNJE 21/08/2005 18:18:28

ELECTORAL PROCESS PROCEEDS NORMALLY IN CONSTITUENCY NO. 64 IN LUSHNJA DISTRICT 21/08/2005 18:59:05

ZEC NO 64 IN LUSHNJA REGION RECEIVES ELECTORAL MATERIALS FROM 52 POLLING-STATIONS 21/08/2005 22:08:18 The Zonal Election Commission (ZEC) of constituency no. 64 in Lushnja district has received the electoral materials from the 52 polling-stations there. The aforesaid process proceeded normally and the documentation of all the polling-stations was transported from them to the seat of ZEC under the police control.

22.08.2005 12:25 Ilir Bano (Demokraterne) har vundet stort over Et'hem Ruka (Socialisterne). Valgdeltagelsen var ca. 54 %, dvs. relativt højt for området. Der er ikke tilsvarende tal for 3.7.



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KREDS 90

PARTIAL ELECTIONS-CELIBASHI-GJIROKASTER - HEAD OF CENTRAL ELECTION COMMISSION (CEC), ILIRJAN CELIBASHI, DEPARTED A FEW MINUTES AGO TO GJIROKAS... 21/08/2005 09:27:12

ELECTIONS-GRUNNET-LAZARAT - THE HEAD OF ODHIR IN ALBANIA GRUNNET IS CLOSELY ATTENDING THE ELECTION PROCESS IN BALLOT BOX NO.4262 ... 21/08/2005 10:20:26

ELECTIONS-CELIBASHI-LAZARAT - CHAIRMAN OF CEC CELIBASHI IS CLOSELY ATTENDING THE ELECTORAL PROCCESS IN GJIROKASTER 21/08/2005 11:19:08

HEAD OF ODIHR IN ALBANIA, GRUNNET, SAYS ELECTION PROCESS IN LAZARAT COMMUNE IS GOING WELL 21/08/2005 12:00:45

VOTING ENDS IN 48 POLLING STATIONS OF ZONE 90 IN GJIROKASTER REGION 21/08/2005 21:03:14 Voting process is closed at 48 polling stations in electoral zone 90 in Gjirokaster Region, according to the representative of the Central Election Commission (CEC) in Gjirokaster, Arjan Gjini. The document of 17 polling stations has been submitted to the Zonal Election Commission (ZEC) at the Sports Hall in Gjirokaster.





Der har været et slagsmål i Cepun ved Gjirokastra hvor to Journalister med tilknytning til Demokraterne - Mero Baze fra »Tema« og Astrit Patozi fra »Rilindja« - er blevet overfaldet. Baze har anklaget et medlem af Socialistpartiet, Gjolekë Malaj, for overfaldet. Baze og Malaj vil lægge sag an mod hinanden, siges det. Talsmand for Politiet, Laora Totraku, siger at en mistænkt er blevet anholdt og at 4 Politifolk der - formentlig - har overværet hændelsesforløbet, men som forholdt sig passive, er blevet suspenderet.

22.08.2005 12:15 Genc Ruli (Demokraterne) har vundet stort over Makbule Ceco [Çeço] (Socialisterne). Valgdeltagelsen var tilsyneladende en smule lavere end 03.07. - kun noget under halvdelen af de registrede vælgere deltog!




Det går rygter om at Tiranas Borgmester, Edi Rama, er ved at samle en kreds af fremstående Medlemmer af Socialistpartiet for at sætte Fatos Nano fra bestillingen som Partiformand. Der har været forskellige sonderinger, men om de vil føre til noget konkret er meget usikkert.

Indtil videre har Nano ikke blot antydet at han skulle være ansvarlig for det store nederlag, og slet ikke at han ville tage konsekvensen at træde tilbage som Partiformand. Hvad der vil ske i Socialistpartiets Ledelse i den nærmeste tid, vil afhænge af om Nano's koalition fra December 2003 vil holde eller ej. Mange vil fortsat slutte op om Nano, for de vil få vanskeligheder med andre Ledere. Det gælder fx Anastas Angjeli. Nogle af hans hidtidige støtter vil springe fra, men dog næppe foretrække Edi Rama i stedet.

Der er mange Socialister i Tirana der ser positivt på Edi Rama, for han har gjort meget for at udvikle Tirana. Der er sikkert også nogle i andre af de større byer der vil foretrække ham som Leder af Socialistpartiet, men jo længere man kommer væk fra bykernerne og »det moderne«, desto mere vil mange af Medlemmerne tænke traditionelt - og jo mere vil de betragte Edi Rama som én der er alt for »spraglet«. ... Nogle taler om at den tidl. PM og nuværende Forsvarsminister Pandeli Majko kunne være et bud som en ny Formand, evt. for en periode. Og nogle - men muligvis ikke så mange - taler om at man skal hen til at Integrationssocialisterne med Ilir Meta i spidsen kommer tilbage til Partiet.

Opsigtsvækkende interview med Edi Rama i »Zeri i Popullit« 26.8.2005. Avisen er Socialisternes blad. Nedenfor følger sammenfatning af Tue Magnussen:

In an interview with the Socialist Party (SP) newspaper Zëri i Popullit, the Mayor of Tirana Edi Rama analyzes the causes why the SP lost the last general elections that were held on 3 July. According to Mayor Rama, the loss was not an accident, but a big lesson for the SP to return to their grassroots and work together. "The SP Congress in 2003 was a curse for the SP, because it led to the fragmentation of the party and the formation of the Socialist Movement for Integration (SMI)," he said. Rama argued that it was up to the SP chair Fatos Nano to resign from the party leadership in the same way that western leaders do when their parties lose elections. Rama stated that he was willing to give his contribution for a new project in the SP that would be encompassing of all progressive elements of the Left-wing.Rama also argued that all the SP members should choose with their votes which platform they want to follow and who should be the people leading them according to the principle "one person, one vote".

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An exclusive interview given by the Mayor of Tirana, Edi Rama, to the daily “Zeri I Popullit”, official newspaper of the Socialist Party, marked an important turn, which is expected to trouble the “calm” in the SP headquarters, which entered into a sort of lethargic stance after the July 3 elections and 21 August rerunning. The solely fact that the interview was published by the daily “Zeri I Popullit” marks in itself a turning point.

The Mayor of Tirana calls the Socialist Party to carry out a thorough analysis of the electoral defeat calling it not as an accident, but as a pre forecasted defeat which routes are to be searched especially in the Congress of 2003 that brought to the schism of a part of SP figures and merging of a new left wing party called the Socialist Movement for Integration.

Leaving aside the folkloric and rich expressions poured by a fertile fantasy of a controversial figure like Edi Rama, the gist of his 4 full pages interview may be defined as following: the socialists must understand the reasons of this defeat and consider it not as an accident; no witches’ hunt or half analyzes must be carried out within the party, but a careful look within, and a confrontation of political projects must take place instead, if the SP wants to be back on top; the schism that came as consequence of the 2003 Congress must be corrected with a re-union of the left wing into a federal type political formation; the candidacy of a dozen left wing candidates in the direct elect candidate system against only one or rather two right wing candidates was absurd and penalizing; the Albanians did not vote to bring Berisha on power; the party must become once again the family of equals united by same ideals, and legacy, and where the leader of the party must be considered as the first among the equals; elections must take part within the party in order to refresh structures from the base up to the top without loosing time in endless and fruitless debates whether which candidate won and which not; the absence of a vital agreement with the SMI brought to the defeat of the SP in Tirana likely in other parts of the country; it’s in the honor of Mr. Nano to resign creating thus a valuable precedent likely it happens in other parts of the world in which the country wants to be integrated; the would be Prime Minister of the country, Sali Berisha, is in no way and must not be considered as the boss of the Mayor, and the staff of Tirana City Hall will keep on realizing its tasks fulfilling the mandate given by the people of Tirana.


[27.08.2005] Fatos Nano's reaktion. Noget tyder på at Nano vil gøre alt hvad han kan for at bevare magten over Socialistpartiet. Kan han ikke forblive som Formand (hvad han formentlig stræber efter), vil han være dén der har det afgørende ord om hvem der skal efterfølge ham. ADN skriver:

The Socialist Party (SP) chairman, Fatos Nano is examining the idea of leaving his leading post in the party, while he is thinking about his successor, confidential sources from this party's offices were quoted by Top Channel TV as saying on Friday. According to sources, Nano has already selected several names of the SP officials that eventually will succeed him on the post of chairman.


Nano's hensigt kan imidlertid være at Partiet skal »besinde sig« og konkludere at han er klart den bedste - og at man skal slutte op om ham og »pacificere« konkurrenter og kritikere.


Endelig valgresultat ventes offentliggjort Fredag 2.9.2005


[26.08.2005] OSCEs Ambassadør i Tirana, Pavel Vacek, er blevet interviewet i »Gazeta Shqiptare«:

Interview of the Head of the OSCE Presence in Albania, Ambassador Pavel Vacek Journalist: Skënder Minxhozi

1. Your H.E. Ambassador, the electoral process has recently been completed in Albania. What is your overall assessment on the way the electoral process took place?

The overall assessment will be provided by the ODIHR Election Observation Mission. I can only speak of personal impression and the one I have is that the elections were better than in the past but worse then it ought to be. The good turnout has shown the interest of Albanian voters in the future of their country and their respect for the institutions. Many Albanians performed as domestic observers which is another good feature of these last elections. Many election commissions did their best and I saw some of these work quietly and harmoniously in places where life is hard. Others failed because partisanship prevailed over impartial duty and that has been a great part of the problem. The key election institutions have been working hard to cope with the avalanche of complaints. The Police, too, have done their best on the election days.

2. There has been a wide debate regarding the prolonged process of appeals and complaints on the part of the political parties. Does this issues represent a concern for your organization?

Which is your organisation too... the OSCE is also owned by Albania. An Albanian concern is our concern too. Of course, further artificial protraction of the whole election process due to obstructionist complaints and appeals would be of increasing international concern.

3. When will the final report of OSCE/ODIHR be made public?

You may have heard that from Jorgen Grunnet -usually it's around one month after the final election results are announced.

4. These elections were considered beforehand an important moment to adjudicate the progress and pace of Albania towards the European Union integration. Do you think Albania has passed this test?

The European Commission and the EU Presidency are better addressees of this question. However, I deem that Albania does not improve its legislation and democratic institutions only in order to make it into EU one day -to achieve that is a national self-interest and an end in itself.

5. While the electoral process was still going on, many political players have voiced their dissatisfaction with the present electoral system. Do you think that there will be revisions to the Electoral Code in the upcoming months? Do you think that a proportional based electoral system will be a better formula than the present one?

The current Albanian electoral system is complicated and leaves room for abuse as we have seen. However, there are experts who will tell you that this mix of majoritarian and proportional system is in fact modern and progressive. If there is a political will to further improve the current electoral legislation, we will assist in the legislative work. We will equally assist if the political representation opts for some variant of the proportional system. There is no international standard which would tell you which system is better. But there are recommendations and accumulated expertise of OSCE and CoE which may help devise the details of the system and the underlying legislation. Many international recommendations were not respected in the previous reform, due to domestic political considerations that prevailed. This Presence here will not be the arbiter of correctness of the fundamental choices that have to be made by the Albanian political representation. What should be equally clear a priori is that no system is entirely foolproof, each can be exploited, obstructed ... or sabotaged if there is the will to do it...

6. Do you think that the political rotation that is taking place, will create problems for the relations of Albania with the international community?

I am not the one to tell.. But why should it create problems? Changes of governments occur everywhere in the democratic world from time to time and the life goes on. The right choices in democracies are limited, political parties' programmes converge on strategic political issues…Of course, you know the right answer... it all depends on the policies, rather those pursued than declared...

7. What is your view on the role of OSCE in future developments in Albania? How much do you believe in the thesis that states that the process of European integration in which Albania has embark and the EU monitoring mechanisms create overlaps in the work and activities of OSCE in Albania?

What we do is well consulted with the Commission and the EU Presidency and synergistic with the EU and Albanian objectives within the integration process. Our work contributes, some of it directly, to the Albanian EU aspirations. Duplications are the luxury we cannot afford. Would anybody tell me where are those overlaps?

8. In the past few years there has been gradual reduction of the OSCE activities in Albania, especially in respect to the closure of some field offices. What do you think of this process?

There has been an overall trend towards reducing, driven both from within Albania as well as from the outside. While the overall reductions of the OSCE unified budget stem form the collective will of the 55 OSCE nations, including Albania, some of the reductionist calls coming from within Albania stem from an erroneous belief that a cut into the Presence's budget or structure demonstrates a progress. It does not... for as long as the domestic problem or deficiency remains there ... and that is my point. On the other hand, I also understand that the in-coming new government expects more assistance from us rather than less and that is something we have to respect. It is known that we are proposing a zero growth budget for the Presence in 2006, we will replace some internationals with national officers, we may reduce the overall number of staff. In other words, we are bracing for having to do the same amount of work or even more with the same or even less resources. Of course, there will come the day when the Presence in Albania closes down and it will be preceded by a period of more radical draw-down. Before it comes to it, in the short term perspective, it will be more rational for us to look for maximising the effect of the limited resources of this Organisation's Presence than have to face campaigns against our remaining field stations. I know they are liked by local representatives and people and I believe they are needed for our further work.


  

[29.08.2005] President Mosiu har i dag haft besøg af Repræsentanter for det nye Flertal i Parlamentet. Præsidentkontoret har udsendt flg.:

The President of the Republic, Alfred Moisiu received today the representatives of the political parties of the new majority formed from the July 3 elections, Jozefina Topalli, Sabri Godo, Arben Imami, Tritan Shehu, Nard Ndoka, Thoma Miço and Ndue Preka.

President Moisiu sharing the same concern with them, emphasized that according to the Constitution and the law, he will make all the efforts to find the ways and means to solve as soon as possible the issue of the assembling the new Parliament that came out of July 3 elections.


Dr Kastrati, Demokratisk Leder i Has er blevet fundet død og er blevet begravet. ADN skriver:

TIRANA – The funeral of the ex-leader of the Democratic Party in the district of Has, Behar Kastrati, who was found dead last Saturday in Fierza Lake, was organized on Monday while local police said that it is close to identifying the authors of this murder. The Democrat deputy, Ridvan Bode, and other party representatives participated in the funeral.


Den Centrale Valgkommission har »lukket« valget og har udsendt flg. :

[01.09.2005] The CEC announces final result for July 3d, 2005 elections to Albanian Assembly

[01.09.2005] By adopting the Decision no. 1680 “On announcement of the final result of 2005 elections to the Albanian Assembly” and Decision no. 1681 “On announcement of winning candidates from the multi-name list of political parties of July 3d, 2005 elections to the Albanian Assembly, the Central Election Commission declares this election process closed.

After the legal procedures provided for in the Electoral Code of the Republic of Albania ended, the Central Elections Commission released today its final elections result for the 100 candidates for Members of the Assembly, announcing also the number of seats won by each political party and coalition that benefit from allocation of supplemental mandates in 2005 elections to the Albanian Assembly.

In addition, the Central Election Commission, with its decision, announced the winning candidates from the multi-name list of political parties for July 3d, 2005 elections to the Albanian Assembly.

At the end of 2005 elections to the Albanian Assembly, the CEC would like to thank the Albanian voters first, who expressed their will pursuant to the Constitution of Albania and the Electoral Code.

The Central Election Commission also avails itself of the opportunity to thank members of Zone Elections Commissions, Voting Center Commissions and Counting Teams, especially those who fulfilled their duty in full compliance with Electoral Code provisions.

The CEC thanks the Albanian political parties, especially their representatives in the CEC, for their contribution to the conduct of election process. The CEC also thanks the Government of Albania for its partnership and support in the conduct of this election process.

The CEC highly appreciates the contribution of all domestic organizations and international institutions involved in 2005 elections to the Albanian Assembly, especially Election Observation Mission of OSCE/ODIHR, for their precious contribution in the ultimate goal of the CEC, meeting and achieving international standards on elections. The CEC highly appreciates the contribution and commitment of all domestic and international institutions to the conduct of 2005 elections to the Albanian Assembly.

Finally, the CEC would like to thank all domestic and international observers as well as representatives of the media for their professional and correct coverage of this election process.





01.09.2005 ca. kl. 14.00 PM Fatos Nano er trådt tilbage som Formand for Socialistpartiet. Generalsekretær Gramoz Ruci [Gramoz Ruçi] er konstitueret. “I’m leaving the Socialist Party leadership to distance myself from the violence and the extreme political corruption that was seen during the legislative elections,” sagde Nano. Det står klart at Nano har forberedt Regeringens tilbagetræden, når Berisha's Regering er blevet accepteret af Parlamentet.

Den Albanske PMs Informationskontor skriver [udtalelsen haves pt kun på Albansk]:

Në përfundim të këtij procesi të gjatë zgjedhor dhe ne permbushje të detyrimeve të mia kushtetuese, politike dhe publike, po bej te ditur pozicionin tim sovran nepermjet kesaj konference per shtyp.

Zgjedhjet parlamentare 2005 perbenin nje test te rendesishem per procesin e integrimit euroatlantik te Shqiperise. Ne kete funksion, une dhe forca politike qe drejtoj u angazhuam seriozisht per ringritjen e institucionit te zgjedhjeve te lira ne Shqiperi, sipas standarteve te botes se sotme. Duke e konsideruar arritjen e standarteve ne zgjedhje si elementin me te rendesishem te kontrates sone me shqiptaret dhe partneret nderkombetare, qeveria qe une drejtoj dhe mazhoranca e kryesuar nga PSSH përmbushi të gjitha detyrimet politike dhe ligjore per zgjedhjet. Me lejoni te rikujtoj se shpirti i fushates qe une drejtova dhe i qendrimit tim si kryeminister per keto zgjedhje ishte dhe mbetet kredoja “Standartet me te rendesishme se rezultati”. Per kete arsye, ne kundershtim me gjithe precedentet e abuzimit me pushtetin ne zgjedhje, une i qendrova konseguent ndarjes se pushtetit ekzekutiv prej tyre. Per here te pare ne historine post-komuniste shqipare, shteti dhe strukturat e tij nuk u perfshine ne zgjedhje dhe nuk u perdoren ne asnje rast per te manipuluar rezultatin e tyre. Une dhe perfaqesuesit e mi i qendruam besnike Kodit te Etikes dhe marreveshjes politike te nenshkruar nga te gjitha partite me Kryetarin e Shtetit.

Per fat te keq, ky pakt politik dhe moral per te ardhmen e Shqiperise u shkel rende perseri nga Partia Demokratike. Karakteri i lire dhe i ndershem i zgjedhjeve u dhunua si pasoje e konfliktit qe karakterizoi te gjithe procesin zgjedhor midis vullnetit politik te qeverise per te arritur standartet dhe vullnetit politik te opozites, per te fituar me cdo kusht zgjedhjet, ne baze te nje skeme manipulimi te pergatitur qysh nje vit me pare dhe te zbatuar me konseguence nga komisioneret dhe perfaqesuesit e saj partiake.

Skema profesioniste e manipulimit te zgjedhjeve nga Partia Demokratike është përqëndruar ne përdorimin masiv te certifikatave false ne qytetet e mëdha, duke abuzuar me emrat e votuesve emigrantë e të atyre jorezidentë, si dhe ne përdorimin e grupeve të armatosura për të kërcënuar votuesit dhe komisionerët e PS ne te gjithe vendin. Parregullsitë e kryera mbi bazën e skemës së manipulimit kanë pasur ndikim të ndjeshëm në rezultatin përfundimtar, duke ndryshuar rezultatin në 10-15 zona zgjedhore në mazhoritar, në favor të PD. Si pasoje, dhuna dhe manipulimi jane faktori kryesor qe ka bere diferencen midis PS dhe PD ne keto zgjedhje, duke nxjerre kete te fundit maxhorance relative. Carja e votave te se majtes per shkak te LSI-se dhe sjelljes kaotike te disa aleateve, ka ndikuar ne humbjen e mazhorances absolute dhe jo asaj relative nga Partia Socialiste.

Deformimi antikushtetues i rezultatit zgjedhor behet akoma me i theksuar nga “Mega-Dushku” i adoptuar nga PD ne mazhoritar, nga njera ane dhe thyerja e marreveshjeve e mungesa e luajalitetit nga disa prej aleateve tane, nga ana tjeter. Respektimi i standarteve dhe kodeve “anti-Dushk” nga PSSH ka sjelle per ne nje ndikim te dukshem negativ ne rezultatin ne mazhoritar (11 mandate ka humbur PS per kete shkak) e proporcional, si dhe deformimin antikushtetues te perberjes politike te kuvendit te ri.

Parregullsite e renda ne keto zgjedhje dhanë një rezultat te deformuar e butaforik. Partia Socialiste dhe e majta në tërësi, sipas statistikave tashmë të çertifikuara, ka fituar ne mazhoritar rreth 130 mijë vota më tepër nga e djathta, ndersa kjo e fundit vjen ne parlament me te pakten 14 mandate me shume, duke bere qe vullneti i popullit ne tempullin e demokracise te shfaqet teresisht i deformuar, perderisa do te qeverise minoranca elektorale.

Bazuar në faktet e mesipërme, detyrohem te deklaroj ne menyre sovrane, si Kryeminister dhe kryetar i mazhorances ne zgjedhjet parlamentare 2005 se ato jane te papranueshme politikisht dhe se autoritetet fituese te tyre kane legjitimitet te cunguar.

Ne perputhje me kete analize, me lejoni t’ju bej te ditur veprimet qe kam vendosur te ndermarr:

Se pari, ne zbatim te detyres sime politike, iu kerkoj forumeve te PS dhe aleateve te saj ne zgjedhje te percaktojne ne menyre sovrane qendrimin e tyre politik per zgjedhjet parlamentare 2005 dhe veprimet politike adekuate per shpalosjen e qendrimit te opozites ne parlamentin me legjitimitet te cunguar. Une vleresoj se pa nje reforme te thelle zgjedhore ne perputhje me Kushtetuten dhe pa rivendosur sovranitetin e plote te Kuvendit te Shqiperise, nuk mund te zhvillohen zgjedhje te drejta dhe legjitime per pushtetin vendor ne vitin 2006 dhe per Presidentin e Republikes ne vitin 2007.

Se dyti, ne koherence me filozofine politike qe kam zbatuar ne 15 vjet pluralizem, mbeshtetur tek respekti ndaj kushtetutes e ligjit, rregullat e shoqerise se hapur demokratike dhe krijimi i hapesirave per bashkejetese e dialog me opoziten, kam marre te gjitha masat per nje rotacion normal dhe paqesor te pushtetit nga qeveria qe drejtoj tek qeveria qe do mandatoje kuvendi i ri i Republikes se Shqiperise. Me urdhrin tim ekzekutiv si Kryeminister, Nr. 73, dt. 15 Gusht 2005, te gjithe titullaret politike dhe ekzekutive te qeverise kane pergatitur dokumentacionin e gjendjes ekzekutive te shtetit per te gjithe sektoret, i cili do te dorezohet me protokoll dhe do te behet publik. Ky standart krijohet per here te pare ne te mire te stabilitetit te vendit dhe ne respekt te institucioneve te qeverisjes publike.

Dokumentacioni baze i transferimit te pushteteve permban inventarin dhe performancen e qeverise qe une kam drejtuar per 36 muajt e fundit, perfshire edhe gjendjen e buxhetit korrent, situacionin e prokurimeve publike dhe raportin ekzekutiv te situates makroekonomike dhe financiare te shtetit. Dokumentacioni risjell ne vemendjen e te gjitheve se performanca politike dhe ekzekutive e mazhorances qe qeverisi vendin gjate 8 vjeteve te fundit eshte absolutisht me e mira e gjithe periudhes post-komuniste. Ne te do te gjeni te pasqyruara saktesisht rritjen dhe ndryshimet e medha te Shqiperise, sic i ndjejne te gjithe, si edhe ngritjen e emrit dhe te dinjitetit te saj ne marredheniet nderkombetare. Kam krenarine te deklaroj, perkunder thashethemnajes boshe per korrupsionin e qeverise Nano se, ne e dorezojme pushtetin me llogari te shendosha, te pastra dhe te certifikuara nga institucionet partnere nderkombetare. Per keto arritje kombetare, shfrytezoj rastin te falenderoj serish per kontributin e tyre te pacmuar administraten publike te vendit, profesionale, te pavarur dhe te mbrojtur me ligj, sipermarrjen e lire dhe gjithe aktoret e tjere te progresit te realizuar sidomos ne 3 vitet e fundit.

Se treti, ne respekt te institucioneve kushtetuese qe admistrojne procesin zgjedhor dhe te integritetit politik te forumeve perfaqesuese te PS, te anetareve, simpatizanteve dhe votuesve te saj, pas zgjedhjeve kam vazhduar me durim te kryej detyrat e mia si kryeminister dhe kryetar i PSSH, duke mos u perfshire ne debatin dhe emocionet publike, ne pritje te shpalljes se rezultatit zyrtar nga KQZ. Kam ndjekur me vemendjen e duhur cdo vleresim kritik te kolegeve apo kundershtareve te mi politike dhe te analisteve gjithfaresh. Ajo qe me rezulton nga bashkimi i shume zerave ne nje front alibik te papergjegjshmerise dhe amoralitetit politik eshte mungesa e analizave realiste dhe objektive per deformimin dhe manipulimet e zgjedhjeve parlamentare 2005, dhe sidomos mungesa e perseritur e mirenjohjes per sherbimin e ndershem dhe perkushtimin e sakrificat e mia ne jeten politike dhe shoqerore shqiptare gjate 15 viteve te fundit. Numri i akuzuesve te mi brenda dhe jashte PS me rezulton ne perpjestim te drejte me numrin e kandidateve dhe titullareve te tjere qe kane humbur zonat elektorale per paaftesi e mungese kredibiliteti politik e moral personal, si edhe me numrin e drejtuesve dhe mbrojtesve fanatike te manipulimit e dhunes ne zgjedhje nga Partia Demokratike. I kundert me kete eshte sigurisht vleresimi dhe qendrimi i anetareve, militanteve te PS dhe votuesve te mi ne gjithe Shqiperine, te cilet shfrytezoj rastin t’i falenderoj serish per mbeshtetjen e vazhdueshme dhe te pakushtezuar qe vazhdojne te me japin ne gjithe karrieren time politike.

Ne perputhje me analizen e mesiperme, kam vendosur qe t’i qendroj besnik moralit dhe filozofise sime politike, te marr pergjegjesite qe me takojne per situaten e krijuar dhe te largohem nga drejtimi i Partise Socialiste. E marr kete vendim, jo vetem per te respektuar standartin fundor te sjelljes se autoriteteve politike ne demokracite e perparuara ne lidhje me zgjedhjet, por sidomos per t’u distancuar ne menyre te qarte dhe perfundimtare nga dhuna, dhe abuzimi me zgjedhjet apo me pushtetin e delegjitimuar nga manipulimet elektorale, si edhe nga te gjithe perfaqesuesit pa moral dhe principe te perfshire ne kete korrupsion ekstrem politik.

Ne vazhdim te procesit politik, te analizes dhe ristrukturimit te PSSH dhe opozites se majte, doreheqja ime nga drejtimi i PS vihet edhe ne funksion te nje analize dhe reformimi te shendetshem dhe te patuteluar nga askush. Meqenese ky proces nuk do drejtohet nga une, i kam kerkuar Sekretarit te Pergjithshem te PS, si autoriteti i dyte i zgjedhur nga Kongresi dhe drejtues i KPD, te udheheqe e administroje veprimtarine e forumeve dhe strukturave te partise deri ne Kongresin e jashtezakonshem zgjedhor.

Kam nderin te rikthesoj se gjate gjithe veprimtarise sime politike dhe perfaqesuese, ne te gjitha regjimet, nuk i jam dorezuar kurre pushtetit te dhunes dhe korrupsionit. Kete u kam kerkuar dhe do te vazhdoj t’u kerkoj edhe ne te ardhmen gjithe perfaqesuesve, kolegeve e kundershtareve te mi. Ne kete lufte qe e kam zhvilluar me te gjitha fuqite e mia si ne mazhorance dhe ne minorance, me vjen keq dhe jam i ndergjegjshem se ka ende nje numer perfaqesuesish ne PSSH dhe ne politiken shqiptare qe abuzojne me besimin dhe imunitetin politik, te karakterizuar nga mungesa e skrupujve, e principeve dhe e moralit te sherbimit ndaj qytetareve.

Nga keto pozita, edhe ne te ardhmen do te jem ne krah te te gjithe militanteve te progresit, te kolegeve e simpatizanteve te mi te shumte si dhe te gjithe faktoreve te tjere qe do vazhdojne betejat per shfaktorizimin e dhunes si faktor pushteti dhe te korrupsionit si element pasurimi e karriere te paligjshme. Si themelues, drejtues dhe perfaqesues i PSSH dhe i kontributeve te pashlyeshme te saj ne jeten e vendit gjate 15 viteve te fundit, mbetem i perkushtuar dhe i gatshem per te keshilluar, asistuar dhe mbeshtetur alternativen dhe njerezit qe do te sigurojne vazhdimin e reformave europianizuese ne PSSH dhe ne Shqiperi, si dhe pastrimin e politikes nga te gjithe ata qe abuzojne me besimin e zgjedhesve.

Themelore tani eshte organizimi i veprimit politik te opozites per te mbrojtur dhe garantuar te ardhmen e te gjithe shqiptareve ne Europe. Ky do te jete dhe angazhimi im jetik ne te ardhmen.

Ju faleminderit.




Formanden for den Centrale Valgkommission, Celibashi (th), overdrager de endelige valgresultater til Præsident Moisiu (tv). Materialet kan downloades som pdf fra: http://bjoerna.net/albanien/CEC-Resultater-050902.pdf


01.09.2005. Præsident Moisiu har indkaldt Parlamentet til møde Fredag 2.9.2005. Præsidentkontoret har udsendt flg.:

September 1, 2005

The President of the Republic, Alfred Moisiu, convinced:

• In the necessity of the full and normal functioning of the constitutional institutions,

• In respecting the citizens will expressed through the free and democratic vote,

• In the functioning of the political debate in the constitutional way,

more than once has publicly expressed his political will that immediately after the proclaiming of the elections’ final result by the Central Election Commission will to shorten in maximum the twenty days deadline determined in the Constitution.

The President of the Republic, Alfred Moisiu based in the already proclaimed final result of the general elections by the Central Election Commission and in the light of the above considerations, in accordance of the Article 67.1 of the Constitution of Albania decreed today the assembling of the Parliament of Albania in its XVII Legislation, on Friday, September 2, 2005 at 18.00 hours.


OSCE's Formand udtrykker tilfredshed med at valget er afsluttet, roser Præsident Moisiu og byder en ny Regering velkommen. Måske skal man hæfte sig en smule ved hvem Formanden ikke roser: De Politiske Partier og PM Nano og hans Regering?

VIENNA, 1 September 2005 - The OSCE Chairman-in-Office, Slovenian Foreign Minister Dimitrij Rupel, today welcomed the conclusion of the election process in Albania, which was marked by the declaration of final results by the Albanian Central Election Commission on 1 September.

The declaration now paves the way for the subsequent convening of the new Assembly on 2 September, as announced by President Alfred Moisiu.

"After two months of hard work of the Albanian elections institutions, the composition of the new Assembly is now known and it is able to convene," said Minister Rupel, who has followed the election process with close attention.

"I appreciate the role of President Moisiu in the whole process and I congratulate the new Assembly. I am looking forward to co-operating with the new government led by the winner of the elections and hope it will be able to take office soon, the Chairman-in-Office added.

The OSCE, including its Presence in Albania, would continue assisting the country in pursuing its domestic reforms, including further reform of the electoral system drawing on the recommendations and expertise of the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights.


Præsident Moisiu har 3.9.2005 kl. 14:00 nomineret Sali Berisha som ny Premierminister. Præsidentkontoret skriver:

     


The President of the Republic, Alfred Moisiu, based on the Article 96.1 of the Constitution, with the proposition of the parliamentarian majority presented yesterday, decreed today the nomination of Mr. Sali Berisha at the post of the Prime Minister of the Republic of Albania.

President Moisiu held a meeting today with Mr. Berisha in the Presidency where he handed the nomination decree wishing him good luck in the new duty and in forming the government of the country.

Mr. Berisha thanked President Moisiu for the nomination and stated that the government headed by him will be dedicated in the service of the Albanian people.


3.9.2005 Parlamentet har - som ventet af de fleste - valgt Jozefina Topalli, Demokraterne, hidtil 1. Næstformand, som ny Parlamentsformand. Hun fik 81 ud af 134 gyldige stemmer. Hun er dermed endegyldigt ude af spillet om at blive Udenrigsminister. Modkandidat var Neritan Ceka fra Demokratisk Alliance, der blev støttet af Venstrepartierne - og som fik 53 stemmer. Der var (tilsyneladende) 2 ugyldige stemmer. Jozefina Topalli indbød til samarbejde hele vejen rundt og mindede om hvor vigtig den euro-atlantiske dimension var og at der skulle satses på at blive inddraget i den europæiske integration. Hendes tale følger nedenfor (haves kun på Albansk):

Të nderuar kolegë !

Së pari dëshiroj të percjell urimet më të ngrohta të gjithë parlamentarëve të Kuvendit të Ri, e t'ju uroj punë të mbarë në detyrën tuaj shumë të rëndësishme. Unë kam shumë për të falenderuar sot. Unë i jam mirënjohëse Shqipërisë dhe falenderoj Zotin që ne zgjidhëm diferencat tona elektorale në mënyrë paqësore. Unë i jam mirënjohëse gjithë shqiptarëve për privilegjin që na dhanë për t'u shërbyer atyre. Unë falënderoj familjen time për mbështetjen e gjatë e të pamunguar. Ju falenderoj ju të gjithëve, për besimin që më dhatë në postin shumë të nderuar të kryetares në tempullin e ligjit. E konsideroj si një përgjegjësi shumë të rëndësishme. E marr si një sfidë, jo vetëm personale, por të përbashkët, tonën. Me shumë deputetë në këtë sallë majtas e djathtas, jemi rritur politikisht, e kemi kuptuar se liria nuk është liçencë dhe pushteti nuk të jep çdo të drejtë. Përkundrazi unë duke qënë për një kohë të gjatë në opozitë gjithnjë kam menduar, e sot kam mundësi të bëhem, unë mbrojtësja, përkrahësja e fortë e të drejtës së opozitës, garantja e rregullores që ruan opozitën (jo maxhorancën se ajo nuk ka nevojë), avokatja e dëgjimit të zërit të të gjithë atyre që mendojnë ndryshe nga unë. Pas zgjatjes dhe vështirësive të zgjedhjeve, ne duhet të hedhim pas sjelljet partizane e të punojmë bashkë për të bërë të mundur premtimin e Shqipërisë për çdo qytetarë.

Unë jam optimiste. Unë bashkë me ju do të ndryshojmë tonin në këtë sallë. Votat tona mund edhe të ndryshojnë, por asnjëherë shpresat. Shpirti i sensit të përbashkët do jetë busulla ime. Ndihem e inkurajuar, pavarësisht nga ndarjet politike, nga zonjat që janë në këtë sallë. Bashkë me ju kemi shumë punë për të bërë. E vlerësoj si themelore përgjegjësinë që ka ky parlament si institucioni qëndror i vendit dhe në identitetin e tij si shprehës i vullnetit të shqiptarëve, përgjegjësinë e jashtëzakonëshme që do të mbajmë së bashku në ndërtimin e shtetit ligjor, në luftën kundër korrupsionit dhe krimit të organizuar, në të gjitha shfaqjet e tyre. Zgjedhjet e 3 korrikut reflektuan bindjen e thellë të qytetarëve shqiptarë në proçesin demokratik të ndryshimit. Pjesëmarrja e madhe e shqiptarëve në këto votime e vullneti i tyre janë tregues të aspirimit shqiptar në prespektivën tonë europiane. Shqiptarët i kanë dhënë një leksion bazal demokracisë. Me vyrtytin, shembullin, dhe aftësinë, ata formësuan karakterin e kohës sonë që është kohë për ndryshim. Na takon neve tani, t'i japim jetë këtyre idealeve të kohës sonë. Shqiptarët kanë vendosur vetëm atë që besojnë, që është në qenien e tyre, që është interesi i tyre dhe çfarë shqipëtarët kanë përqafuar përherë gjatë gjithë historisë. Bindja ime, ecën me këtë shpirt. Unë kujtoj, votuesit e thjeshtë në zgjedhjet e 3 korrikut. Të gjithë, kemi dalluar në shikimin e tyre, se ata po votonin për dikë, prej të cilit prisnin shumë. Kjo pritje është për t'u realizuar. Një përgjegjësi e lartë mbetet në çdo parlamentar. Çdo gjë që do bëjmë, çdo gjë që do të themi do të ketë një impakt në gjithë kombin tonë. Ne të gjithë, pavarësisht nëse jemi në maxhorancë apo minorancë duhet të lexojmë me shumë përgjegjësi votën. Përgjegjësia e parë do thotë formësim i ndryshimit, materializim i ndryshimit. Në këto kohë për ndryshime ne kemi të gjithë detyrimet për të punuar për avancim të reformave elektorale, për zgjedhje të lira e të nderëshme. Në këto kohë për veprime, ne kemi gjithë vetëdijen e përgjegjësisë së institucionit të përfaqësimit, e të mbartësit të sovranitetit për të punuar në përmirësim të ligjeve kundra korrupsionit e krimit të organizuar, të ligjit kundra konfliktit të interesave e kundra mafias. Jo se nuk ekzistojnë ligje. Gjatë viteve ne kemi punuar bashkë dhe kemi miratuar shumë ligje, shumë prej tyre, shumë të rëndësishëm. Por sot ne përballemi, ne sfidojmë kohën që kërkon ndryshime të tjera dhe vullneti për këtë është i pamunguar. Ndaj, ky institucion, dhe jam e sigurt se ndaj me ju të njëjtin mendim, përmes reformave që do të kalojnë, do të bëjë të gjitha përpjekjet për të futur sistemin checks and balance. Për të rritur e forcuar kërkesën për kontroll e trasparencë. Kjo tribunë do të jetë një mundësi e jashtëzakonshme për opozitën, jo për t'i bërë favor asaj, se ajo e ka të fituar këtë të drejtë, por për t'i përcjellë me ndershmëri e bindje, filozofinë e respektimit e të vlerësimit të kontributit që opozita sjell në jetën politike të vendit. Ky kontribut i opozitës do mund të shtojë mundësitë që ky parlament t'i përgjigjet mirë pritjeve të njerëzve e nevojave të vendit. Këtu do të shtoja dhe diçka krejt personale. Unë kam kaluar vitet më domethënëse të jetës sime në opozitë, dhe unë e dua këtë rol. Pastaj besoj se vetëm aritmetika parlamentare nuk të jep çelsin e qeverisjes së mirë. Ky çelës, jam e bindur, qëndron në vullnetin e përbashkët, të të gjithëve, për t'u ngritur mbi nocionet e opozitës e të maxhorancës parlamentare, dhe për të funksionuar në shpirtin e kooperimit, pajtimit e konsensusit, që lejon një kurs pozitiv në qeverisje, që kërkon të bashkojë e jo të ndajë: dialogu, debati dhe diskutimi duhet të zevendësojnë çdo lloj antagonizmi të ngushtë në këtë sallë. Meloditë nuk kanë pse të jenë të njëjta për t'u pëlqyer prej të gjithëve në këtë sallë. - Por nëse ne dëgjojmë njëri-tjetrin dhe përpiqemi të realizojmë vizionin tonë së bashku, ne do të shkruajmë një sinfoni shumë më të madhe se shuma e të gjithë notave tona individuale.

Parlamenti, si trupi më i lartë ligjbërës, ka një rol të veçantë, sigurinë dhe prosperitetin e vendit, në dinamikën e botës ku ne jetojmë. Ne duhet të jemi brezi i ndryshimit. Ide të reja, pikpamje të ndryshme do mund, e duhet të debatohen këtu. Këtu, në këtë sallë do të punojmë bashkë për atë që është vetë ëndrra jonë, vetë ndryshimi, e që e ka emrin integrim. Parlamenti duhet te ndermarre me sukses kete detyre madhore, jo vetem per hir te moralitetit te pergjithshem te shoqerise, por edhe per te mundesuar ne maksimum progresin ekonomik, i cili ne nje mase te madhe varet ne besimin dhe ndershmerine. Korrupsioni dhe krimi i organizuar perbejne rrezikun me serioz ndaj shtetit te se drejtes, stabilitetit dhe sigurise se shoqerise demokratike. Ato vene ne rrezik ndarjen e drejte te te mirave ekonomike sepse bazohen ne zhvleresimin e vlerave themelore demokratike te shoqerise dhe te institucioneve si dhe pengojne zhvillimin ekonomik, social dhe politik te vendit si dhe gezimin e te drejtave te njeriut. Parlamenti duhet te mbetet aktori kryesor ne kete lufte sepse: Nepermjet funksionit ligjberes ai do mundesoje miratimin dhe zbatimin e legjislacionit antikorrupsion qe siguron ndershkim te pershtatshem per autoret e tyre. Nepermjet funksionit kontrollues do institucionalizoje mekanizmat ligjore per te sjelle para pergjegjesise degen qeverisese per veprimtarine e saj dhe siguruar ne praktike qeverisjen e mire. Nepermjet funksionit te perfaqesimit do siguroje qe njerezit e thjeshte te kene nje ze ne menaxhimin e puneve publike. Sfida e madhe, mbetet integrimi i Shqiperise ne stukturat euro-atlantike. Integrimi Europian nuk eshte nje ceshtje e jashtme e Shqiperise, por nje ceshtje e brendshme e saj. Serioziteti në çështjen e integrimit nuk duhet te sherbeje vetem si nje platforme e nje konsesusi politik mbarekombetar, por njekohesisht te konsiderohet edhe katalizator ne europianizimin e jetes dhe institucioneve shqiptare. Tashme ka ardhur momenti qe tranzicionin shqiptar te mos ta shnderrojme ne nje situate permanente, por sa me te perkohshme. Tashme ka ardhur momenti qe stacionin e nisjes se paraardhesve tane, - historikun, traditat, parimet dhe vlerat e Europes - t'i shnderrojne ne stacionin perfundimtar te ecjes sone - destinacionin final tek Familja e Bashkuar Europiane. Implementimi i sistemit të planifikimit integrues (IPS) që i kërkon vendimmarrjes planifikim të buxhetit dhe dekonfliktim të strategjive dhe inisiativave konkuruese do të jetë pjesë e kontrollit parlamentar. Për këtë mandat do jetë shumë i rëndësishëm debati real në punën e komisioneve parlamentarë për të sjellë së bashku inisiativat më të mëdha të lidhura me proçeset: si ai i stabilizim-asociimit, strategjia e zhvillimit social-ekonomik dhe objektivat e mijëvjeçarit. Këtij Kuvendi do i japim një rol të madh në proçesin e buxhetimit.

Ne jemi nje demokraci e re dhe reputacioni ynë në botë bazohet edhe në faktin se sa suksesshëm do menaxhojmë së bashku liritë, mundësitë e besimin e ndryshimit. Kuvendi i legjislacionit të kaluar ka bërë punë të rëndësishme në përafrimin e legjislacionit. Për çështje madhore shumë herë kemi votuar njëlloj. Unë, dëshiroj të falenderoj edhe z. Pllumbi, por edhe ata kolegë të majtë e të djathtë që nuk janë sot këtu për angazhimin e tyre. Kam bindjen se opozita e djeshme ka kriju për herë të parë modelin real të opozitarizmit në historinë tonë jo të gjatë parlamentare, ka krijuar shkollën e opozitarit. Bashkë i kemi dhenë thelb parlamentarizmit shqiptar.

Ne jemi në kohë ndryshimesh. Për sa kohë jemi të gjithë në një anije, ne do të zgjedhim një ekip që do të dijë të drejtojë përmes ujrave të turbulluar, drejt ujrave të pastra e të kthjellta. Ky është misioni i këtij ndryshimi. Falenderoj Partinë Demokratike dhe aleatët e saj, se dhe deputetët e kësaj séance që votuan për të sjellë në krye të Kuvendit për herë të parë një grua. Ky falenderim përbën për mua tre detyrime: - të drejtoj me frymën e votës së shumicës së shqiptarve duke respektuar opozitën. -me tolerancën e masës së grave - e qytetarinë e qytetit nga vi. Pavarësisht nëse votuat apo jo për mua, unë do të bëj çdo gjë për t'i shërbyer interesit të atyre që ju përfaqësoni e do të punoj për të fituar edhe më shumë rrespektin tuaj. Vendi i Kryetares së kuvendit është më shumë se një nder, është më shumë se një zyrë. Ai është një peshë për t'u mbajtur dhe unë do e ndaj bashkë me ju. Punë të mbarë !


4.9.2005 Sandsynligvis vil Berisha søge at få sin Regering fremstillet for Parlamentet og godkendt før 14.9., hvor FN begynder sit højtprofilerede World Summit. Berisha vil søge at deltage med den nye Udenrigsminister (formentlig Besnik Mustafaj). Desuden deltager Præsident Moisiu. Se: http://www.un.org/summit2005/


  

5.9.2005 Præsident Moisiu har holdt tale til det nye Parlament. Han sagde at der var sket en række fremskridt (i valgteknisk henseende), og han var glad for den store valgdeltagelse [hvad der er lidt mærkeligt, eftersom den gennemsnitlig var under 50%]. Han kritiserede partierne for at være alt for flittige til at anke over et negativt resultat - og lagde op til at der skete en forbedring af valgreglerne. Det ville dog forudsætte at partierne gjorde deres arbejde ordentligt. Præsidenten advarede Berisha-regeringen mod at gå alt for radikalt til værks på en række strategiske og administrative områder: Lad være med at opgive de gode ting der er opnået. Nedenfor følger først et par uddrag, dernæst hele talen:

»Before, during and after the electoral campaign the political class demonstrated difficulties in distancing from some damaging electoral practices. The harsh electoral language, the misuse of the elections infrastructure, or the artificial delays and the attempts to gain more mandates from the legal loopholes did not lack. These shortcomings appeared especially during the pre-electoral period and that of the votes administering. This important part of the process was accompanied by a long marathon and sometimes speculative of the complaining legal right exercising. The political parties had valued the standards, but they never stopped demanding the invalidity of the elections in the lost zones. This behavior shows that the culture of admitting the defeat and respecting the will of the sovereign remains still fragile for the Albanian politics.«

»In this context, I would like to emphasize also the great need for the new government to follow a just and inclusive policy towards the state administration employees. Regardless of any isolated negative shortcoming and phenomena, the administration of the Albanian State deserves to be treated as a precious asset of the Albanian society founded during these transition years. After the massive changes of the administration in 1992 and 1997, time has come to guarantee its continuity in order to found the so much needed level of the public administration employees, loyal to the law and in the service of the citizens. Any radical change, especially in the strategic sectors of the society and state such as the Police, Army, diplomacy, economic sector, education and health sectors, etc. would have a high cost for the country at a time level and also at political and economical ones.«

Præsidentkontoret har udsendt flg.:

Distinguished Mrs. Speaker of the Assembly,

Distinguished Parliamentarians,

Ambassadors and guests,

I would like to congratulate the new parliamentarians in this first address to the new Parliament of Albania for the election and the trust that the electorate bestowed on you. There is no greater responsibility to a parliamentarian than the honest and dignifying representation of the voters. You must be their voice in the parliament, their advocate in the defense of the rights, requests and aspirations. You must bring through your responsible work the hope that tomorrow will be better, safer and more prosperous than today. That is why I invite you to use your mandate to serve the citizens and the country and also to realize the dream of development and Euro-Atlantic integration.

Distinguished Parliamentarians,

When I decreed the date of the elections, from this very same podium I stressed that the holding of free and democratic elections is a major interest of Albania and a great debt owed by politics to the citizens. Now that the electoral process is over time has come to analyze the balance sheet.

Invested with the responsibility of the Head of State I declare that Albania, on July 3 passed in general the test of the elections, which were held in the spirit of free and democratic elections. July 3 deserves positive praises for the civil campaign, for the massive participation in voting, for the expression of free and secret will of the voters, for the impartial and legal stand of the constitutional institutions and State Police and also for the professional contribution of the media. I thank all those political forces, politicians and institutions that respected the Code of Conduct as a model which has values also for the future.

The elections got Albania closer to the democratic standards of the elections by minimizing the erroneous practices of the past. A positive and praised role for their preparation and good progress, alongside the assistance given by OSCE, ODHIR and the international institutions was played by the Central Election Commission, the Parliament and the previous government. However, the main merits belong to the Albanian citizens and society which day by day is maturing into a society that has embraced the true democratic and European values. Through their civil behavior and role in observing the campaign, in judging the political parties programs, massive and free voting and also the calm in waiting the final results and the rotation of power, the voters remain the greatest victory of the July 3 elections.

But while the citizens achieved the standards of the elections, the politics in general, even this time remained in debt to the citizens. Its standards in respecting the will of the voters might have been more in synchrony with their verdict. Before, during and after the electoral campaign the political class demonstrated difficulties in distancing from some damaging electoral practices. The harsh electoral language, the misuse of the elections infrastructure, or the artificial delays and the attempts to gain more mandates from the legal loopholes did not lack. These shortcomings appeared especially during the pre-electoral period and that of the votes administering. This important part of the process was accompanied by a long marathon and sometimes speculative of the complaining legal right exercising. The political parties had valued the standards, but they never stopped demanding the invalidity of the elections in the lost zones. This behavior shows that the culture of admitting the defeat and respecting the will of the sovereign remains still fragile for the Albanian politics.

The detailed analyzes are the duty of the political parties themselves, of politics, media, civil society and other factors involved in the elections. What remains important and I ask here your understanding is the urgent need to improve the electoral legal framework and the process of the elections administering. In order to bring to an end the up to the present practice according to which every elections are held with a new Electoral Code, I think that only an electoral reform drafted in time, based on the experts opinions, without legal traps and loopholes, with the active participation of all the parliamentarian political forces and that reflects also the known and accepted problems up to the present is in the interest of the democratic developments in the country, stability and guaranteeing of the full standards before and after the elections. This requirement becomes even more imperative in the light of the future local elections. I call on you to consider this problem as an important part of your agenda, while the new government must take immediate measures to fully and correctly draft the National Register of the Civil Status and equipping the citizens with the Identity card.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

A string of great challenges awaits the new Parliament and government, whose successful facing will be in the major interest of the country and society. The new majority posses the mandate to govern, has its electoral program and will present also its governing program with the main targets of work for the future. Publicly confirming my commitment for an active collaboration to the benefit of the progress of the reforms and all sided development of the Albanian society, I would like to express in front of you also some thoughts.

Our country has gone through a long past under a deep isolation and dictatorship. More than two generations grew up and were educated with the state-party mentality, which unfortunately has appeared as a threat to democracy also during these years of transition. From this high tribune of the Albanian people representatives, I call on you to do everything possible to be separated once and for all from this negative heritage of the past. The need to strengthen the legal culture, the culture of public responsibilities and democratic moral requires an active and joint contribution. You have the chance to become determined advocates of the law and democratic norms and to help the spirit of the law to reign on every inch of the public activity and debate. Albania needs an active political pluralism and a strong Rule of Law. The political parties play a fundamental role in presenting the alternatives and making political solutions, but the state with its institutions is permanent and stands over every political party as the guarantee to the citizens and in their service.

The greatest test towards strengthening the Rule of Law is the full respect of the constitutional principal of balancing and separation of powers. Time has come to bring to an end the political transition where every rotation of power has been also read as a rotation of state. We have the Albanian state, we have the legitimate constitutional institutions, we have founded a positive and a working balance sheet tested year after year by facing situations of social and political crisis. This is the moment not to allow going back anymore, not to allow the political ambitions overstepping the independence and integrity of these institutions and to securely move forward towards a Western model of state and democracy. By offering in this direction the full contribution of the institution that I represent, I call on the new Assembly, the new majority and opposition to guarantee the constitutional collaboration and harmony through their work and behavior.

In this context, I would like to emphasize also the great need for the new government to follow a just and inclusive policy towards the state administration employees. Regardless of any isolated negative shortcoming and phenomena, the administration of the Albanian State deserves to be treated as a precious asset of the Albanian society founded during these transition years. After the massive changes of the administration in 1992 and 1997, time has come to guarantee its continuity in order to found the so much needed level of the public administration employees, loyal to the law and in the service of the citizens. Any radical change, especially in the strategic sectors of the society and state such as the Police, Army, diplomacy, economic sector, education and health sectors, etc. would have a high cost for the country at a time level and also at political and economical ones. Let us not forget that the state and our international partners have invested a great deal in the qualification and preparation of this administration, which in its entirety has reflected more responsibility, capability and immunity in front of corruption than the political sphere of governing.

All the citizens are interested in a Rule of Law and an honest and capable administration. The July 3 elections demonstrated that the citizens expect more from politics; they trust the electoral programs and promises and want their future to be safer and prosperous. Now it is time for the politics and especially the new governing majority through its work and activity to justify the trust bestowed on them. In this framework, I encourage the new Parliament and Government to be closer to the people’s troubles, to maximally invest against any form of corruption and law abuse, to think every minute and every second about resolving the unemployment problems, poverty reduction, blocking of human trafficking, providing the citizens with the basic services, guaranteeing the competition in the market, developing the economic sectors, enhancing the tourism infrastructure, deep reforming of the education, health and social care systems and also narrowing the social and economical gaps among the different areas and levels.

For the first time there is a new flow in the Parliament of expert politicians, young in age, but with great energies and working experience in the country and abroad. This is a positive message of change that must be further enriched. Albania must be proud of the new generation that it is nursing, with its great ambitions for knowledge, culture and work. We have evidenced during these years some thousands of youngsters who have received their degrees in the Western world, many of whom are integrated in the respective societies. It is in our interest and also our responsibility to create the necessary conditions and climate for these important capacities of expertise to be put at the disposition of the progress and modernization of their country. The intellectuals, the students and all the Albanians in the world deserve a major serious attention, care and partnership. They, with their Western capability and knowledge of work and communication must be an inseparable part in the path of integration and prosperity. In order to have a developed and contemporary Albania it is required time and many years of contribution from all the idealistic and capable people of this country, be them members of the political parties in Tirana or emigrants in various countries of the world. I invite you to work incessantly for the foundation of this responsibility because there cannot be greater pride for all the Albanians wherever they might be and there cannot be greater service to the country than the real contribution for the developed, prosperous and integrated Albania.

The most capable minds and the greatest energies are needed for this historic mission, which must never be property of only one political party. Therefore I invite you, majority and opposition to join the energies and efforts around one system of national values and commitments that enable the shortening of the Albania’s Euro-Atlantic integration path. The invitation consists in a collaboration pact on the most important and vital reforms for integration that does not ignore your political interests, on the contrary. For as long as the political parties have the integration at the foundation of their programs, have the same platform in the foreign and defense policy, unite in the need to deepen the reform in the judiciary and desire the strengthening of the constitutional institutions and have the same view on continuing the Albanian contribution in the coalition against the international terrorism and stability of the region then there is no obstacle for you to act with dialogue, wisdom and collaboration spirit in achieving the main integration standards. Every important decision in these fields must be taken in an institutional, transparent way and parliamentarian understanding. This consensual collaboration spirit, which has succeeded and continues to be applied also in other countries of the former Eastern Europe, would consist in a great contribution to regain the lost time and also to secure a respectable place for Albania in the great European family.

Distinguished Representatives of the people!

You have numerous reasons to be proud for the trust bestowed on you by the July 3 vote. I invite you to repay this trust by continuously serving the voters; to read the mandate as a chance to take on new responsibilities in front the citizens and the country. The Democrats and their allies have the opportunity to bring to life an ambitious program of promised reforms. The Socialists and their allies have the opportunity to offer a constructive opposition after eight years of governing experience. The other smaller political parties also have the opportunity to make a dignifying and competing representation in the political life through their parliamentarian activity. Thus, each side, in power and in opposition has many duties and responsibilities to fulfill. In accordance to our constitutional commitments, I am here to confirm my full willingness to work together with you in realizing the common aims in the interest of the country and citizens.

Once again I congratulate you for the political mandate and the noble duty of people’s representative and express the conviction that the new Parliament will offer a new important chapter of political maturity, dedication and commitment in our path of progress, democratic development and Euro-Atlantic integration.

Congratulations and successes!

Thank you!


Berisha's regering Sali Berisha har afleveret sin ministerliste til Præsidenten - som har tiltrådt den og videresendt den til Parlamentet med henblik på at Regeringen kan blive godkendt. Præsidentkontoret skriver:

September 7, 2005 - 12.00 The President of the Republic, Alfred Moisiu has just signed today on September 7, 2005 the decree for the nomination of the Council of Ministers. Based on the Articles 93, 96 and 98 of the Constitution with the proposition of the Prime Minister Sali Berisha on September 5, 2005, the President of the Republic decreed the nomination of the Council of Ministers composed by sixteen members. The decree has been sent to the Parliament of the Republic of Albania.


Ministerliste (rækkefølgen er ikke officiel)

Premierminister

Sali Berisha

Demokraterne; Partiformand (Kardiolog)

Vice-Premierminister

Ilir Rusmajli

Demokraterne (Jurist)

Finansminister

Ridvan Bode

Demokraterne (siges i sin tid at have været kritisk over for pyramideinvesteringsselskaberne)

Økonomi-, Energi- og Handelsminister

Genc Ruli

Demokraterne

Udenrigsminister

Besnik Mustafaj

Demokraterne (Forfatter; tidligere Ambassadør i Frankrig)

Indenrigsminister (ministeriet omfatter det tidligere Decentraliseringsministerium og Politiministeriet)

Sokol Olldashi

Demokraterne (Journalist)

Transport- og telekommunikationsminister

Lulzim Basha [Lulëzim Basha]

Demokraterne (33; Juridisk uddannelse fra Utrecht: har arbejdet for ICTY)

Justitsminister

Aldo Bumci [Aldo Bumçi]

Demokraterne (31; Master i International Relations fra Univ. på Cypern)

Forsvarsminister

Fatmir Mediu

Republikanerne

Undervisningsminister

Genc Pollo

Ny-Demokraterne [Reformdemokraterne] (tidligere fremtrædende hos Demokraterne; gik i »clinch« med Berisha, men endte med at fortrække)

Minister for Kultur, Ungdom og Turisme

Bujar Leskaj

Demokraterne

Miljøminister

Lufter Xhuveli

Miljø- og Agrarpartiet

Landbrugsminister

Jemin Gjana

Demokraterne

Sundhedsminister

Maksim Cikuli

Demokraterne (Professor)

Social- og Ligestillingsminister

Kosta Barka

Menneskerettighedspartiet

Integrationsminister

Arenca Troshani

Demokraterne (33; Universitetsdekan fra Shkodra; jurist; eneste kvinde i Regeringen)



Formand for Demokraternes gruppe: Bamir Topi.


Socialisterne har 9.9.2005 fremlagt en længere serie kritiske spørgsmål til Berisha-Regeringen og flere af dens enkeltministre. Albansk sproget-udgave kan downloades fra: http://bjoerna.net/balkan-dokumenter/Questions-for-Berisha.pdf


Berisha's Regering tiltrådt



Familiefoto: Sali Berisha's Regering. I midten Parlamentsformanden, Jozefina Topalli, og Præsident Alfred Moisiu. 11.9.2005. En serie billeder fra indsværgningsceremonien kan downloades fra: http://bjoerna.net/balkan-dokumenter/ALB-Berisha-Gvt-sworn-in-050911.pdf [1,3 MB]


Sali Berisha's Regering er nu indsværget og tiltrådt. Præsidentkontoret har udsendt flg.:

September 11, 2005 12.00

Today at noon, in the Presidency was held the swearing in ceremony of the new government, in which took part the President of the Republic, Alfred Moisiu. After the national anthem and reading of the oath formula, the members of the government cabinet headed by Prime Minister Berisha took the oath and were handed the official decrees by President Moisiu.

In his speech on this occasion, President Moisiu stated: “Today’s ceremony, besides fulfilling a constitutional norm, contains another special meaning. It concludes the electoral process that began on July 3 and the phase of the creation of the new post-electoral institutions. Albanian has taken a great step ahead by peacefully and calmly carrying out the political transition. From now on, you face the difficult task of governing a country that deserves, expects and puts a lot of faith in its government. The citizens and our international partners are waiting the new government for months. The wish of everyone is for you to regain the lost time and to take safe steps ahead towards the future through the maximal commitment to keep the electoral promises. Your composition, a rich mosaic of political parties, experiences, ages and professions encourages us to read it as an opportunity to set free the explosion of great energies to the benefit of the economic developments, prosperity enhancement, strengthening of the Rule of Law and Euro-Atlantic integration of the country.

The Albanians deserve a capable, honest and fair government. I express my conviction that the new majority, combining human capacities and professional capability with the necessary political will, will make possible and transform in reality a good governance to justify in time and with responsibility the vote and the trust of the sovereign.

Once again I wish you good luck and all the best in your important duty in the service of the citizens and country!

In this ceremony took also part the Speaker of the Assembly, Jozefina Topalli, the Dean of the Diplomatic Corps accredited in Tirana, Monsignor Bulaitis, Ambassador of the Holy See, Gjergj Sauli, Head of the Constitutional Court, Gramoz Ruçi, Head of the Socialist Party Parliamentary group, Thimio Kondi, Head of the Supreme Court, General Leiteneant Pëllumb Qazimi, Joint Chief of Staff of the Army, Theodhori Sollaku, Attoreny General, Ermir Dobjani, Ombudsman, Robert Çeku, State Comtroller, Ardian Fullani, Governor of the Albanian Bank, Ilir Panda, Deputy Head of the Supreme Justice Council and members of the Presidential staff.

-

THE ADDRESS OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC, ALFRED MOISIU AT THE GOVERNMENT SWEARING IN CEREMONY.

Tirana, September 11, 2005

Distinguished Speaker of the Assembly,
Distinguished Mr. Prime Minister,
Distinguished Dean of the Diplomatic Corps,
Ladies and Gentlemen,

Today’s ceremony, besides fulfilling a constitutional norm, contains another special meaning. It concludes the electoral process that began on July 3 and the phase of the creation of the new post-electoral institutions. Albanian has taken a great step ahead by peacefully and calmly carrying out the political transition.

From now on, you face the difficult task of governing a country that deserves, expects and puts a lot of faith in its government. The citizens and our international partners are waiting the new government for months. The wish of everyone is for you to regain the lost time and to take safe steps ahead towards the future through the maximal commitment to keep the electoral promises. Your composition, a rich mosaic of political parties, experiences, ages and professions encourages us to read it as an opportunity to set free the explosion of great energies to the benefit of the economic developments, prosperity enhancement, strengthening of the Rule of Law and Euro-Atlantic integration of the country.

The Albanians deserve a capable, honest and fair government. I express my conviction that the new majority, combining human capacities and professional capability with the necessary political will, will make possible and transform in reality a good governance to justify in time and with responsibility the vote and the trust of the sovereign.

Once again I wish you good luck and all the best in your important duty in the service of the citizens and country!

Thank you!


Regeringsprogrammet kan downloades - i en Engelsk udgave - fra: http://bjoerna.net/balkan-dokumenter/ALB-GVT-PRG-0509.pdf






Møde i den Centrale Valgkommission. Arkivfoto. De 7 Medlemmers CV'er kan downloades som en samlet PDF fra: http://bjoerna.net/albanien/CEC-2005.pdf. Valgkommissionens internetside er i øjeblikket langt bagefter mht ajourføring [12.08.2005]


Ét af de kredsresultater der er heftigt diskuteret i den Centrale Valgkommission er resultatet i kreds 73, hvor der var ganske få stemmer mellem Artur Shehu (Demokraterne) og Kastriot Islami (Socialisterne). 10.08. skrev »Shekulli«:

Numërimi i votave në dy kutitë e rinumëruara nga komisioni qëndror i zgjedhjeve për zonën elektorale nr. 73 ka nxjerrë fitues kandidatin socialist Kastriot Islami me 36 vota më shumë se rivali i tij demokrat Artur Shehu.


11.08 skrev ATA: »Central Elections Commission (CEC) decided Thursday with 4 votes pro and 3 against not to change the final result of Zonal Election Commission (ZEC) in constituency 73 in Fier region declaring winner the DP candidate Artur Shehu.«. Kastriot Islami er rasende og taler om: »extreme political servilism, lack of professionalism, and complete lack of the responsibility.« Demokraternes næstformand, Jozefina Topalli, hævder at der er manipuleret med stemmesedlerne siden 3.7., og at man derfor er nødt til at anerkende den første optælling, som gav Shehu et beskedent flertal.

Spørgsmålet om hvem der skal have mandatet i kreds 73 vil formentlig blive afgjort ad retlig vej.

22.08.2005 ATA skriver: ELECTORAL COLLEGE DECLARES PS CANDIDATE ISLAMI WINNER IN ZONE 73


Retur til indholdsoversigten





Opsummering efter omvalgene 21.8.

Mandater bag Berisha (efter omvalgene 21.08.): Omkring 80 (Demokraterne, Republikanerne, Reformdemokraterne, Agrar- og Miljøpartiet, Menneskerettighedspartiet, Kristelige Demokrater og Liberaldemokrater).

Mandater ca. »på midten«: 7-10 (Ilir Meta's Integrationssocialister, Paskal Milo's Socialdemokrater og evt. Demokratisk Alliance (3)).

Mandater til venstre: 50-53 (Socialisterne, Socialdemokraterne og evt. Demokratisk Alliance (3)).


Valget 3.7. gik grueligt galt for Socialisterne og Premierminister Fatos Nano. Socialisterne tabte mange mandater, og bagefter forduftede nogle af de hidtidige partnere og indgik aftaler med Socialisternes og Nano's ærkefjender: Demokraterne og tidligere Præsident Sali Berisha.

Der er kommet forskellige forklaringer på hvorfor Socialisterne har tabt, herunder fra ledende Socialister. Nogle Socialister mener at det skyldes ændringer i valgsystemet, og derfor er de gået på jagt på »den ansvarlige« forhandler, Ylli Bufi.

Én af de vigtigste grunde er dog snarere at Socialistpartiet er et meget splittet parti, eller måske rettere at Partiets hidtidige Vælgere er splittede, selv om Nano bankede en »indre« koalition sammen i december 2003 og »udraderede« nogle af sine modstandere og konkurrenter.

En af de mest fremtrædende af disse var tidligere premierminister og udenrigsminister Ilir Meta - som led et markant nederlag på kongressen, fordi han ikke havde partiets bagland med sig. Meta og Fatos Nano var noget tidligere kommet uoverens og kunne ikke længere tåle hinanden. Hvor meget der skyldtes egentligt politiske forskelle er svært at sige, men det var allerede déngang åbenlyst at der var store personlige og stilmæssige forskelle, og at en væsentlig del af uoverensstemmelserne drejede sig om hvem der skulle have magten.

Uoverensstemmelserne førte siden til at Meta, en håndfuld Parlamentsmedlemmer og et par håndfulde i baglandet forlod Socialistpartiet og stiftede et nyt parti, Integrationssocialisterne. Dette har haft sine konsekvenser, for ved valget 3.7. er der flere tilfælde af stemmedeling - Socialisterne vil kalde det stemmespild - som styrkede Demokraterne og deres samarbejdspartnere og gav dem nogle ekstra mandater.

Ilir Meta fik sammenlagt ikke særlig mange mandater, og hans politiske indflydelse vil næppe blive særlig stor i de kommende år, for han vil ikke samarbejde med Nano og næppe heller med Berisha. Hvis Nano skubbes væk eller trækker sig tilbage, ikke blot formelt, men også reelt, og Socialisterne vælger en ny leder, er det muligt at der på et senere tidspunkt kan etableres et samarbejde.


En anden grund til Socialisternes nederlag er nok at en del Vælgere, trods fremgang i økonomien og i andre henseender, syntes der burde ske et skift og derfor stemte på midterpartier eller højrepartier, eller at de - selv om de stadig hældede mod venstre - ikke længere havde så meget tiltro til Fatos Nano og derfor undlod at stemme.

Enkelte steder er der landsbyer der ikke har villet stemme, fordi de var utilfredse med alle politikerne. Valgdeltagelsen var generelt temmelig lav - og i øvrigt meget forskellig, geografisk set. Oversigt og kommentarer kan findes på: http://bjoerna.net/sidste-nyt/265.htm#Valgdeltagelsen.


Når nogle af de hidtidige partnere har forladt samarbejdet med Fatos Nano og Socialisterne, skyldes det forskellige kalkulationer. Blev man sammen med Nano, ville man miste indflydelse, gik man sammen med Berisha kunne man bevare dén indflydelse man tidligere havde haft, muligvis endda styrke den - det gælder Menneskerettighedspartiet og Agrar- og Miljøpartiet. Også Paskal Milo og hans nye Socialdemokratiske Parti har drøftet samarbejdsmulighederne med Berisha, men endte med at sige nej tak og at placere sig på en alliancefri midte - ikke så langt fra Ilir Meta's Integrationssocialister.

Tilliden til de Albanske Politikere er ikke stor. Man tror at mange af dem er korrupte, og at de hykler når de siger at de vil skærpe indsatsen mod korruptionen på alle niveauer. Én af grundene til at Socialisterne har tabt er formentlig at Vælgerne ikke rigtig kan se at de senere års indsats har ført til det store i denne henseende. Berisha m.fl. har lovet et kursskifte, en højere grad af effektivisering og en kamp mod korruptionen; sker der ikke tydelige ændringer inden for overskuelig tid, vil tilliden ikke ligefrem vokse blandt Albanerne.

Udenrigspolitisk vil der ikke ske de store ændringer. Både Venstre-, Centrums- og Højrepartierne ønsker Albanien optaget i NATO og i EU, og sandsynligheden taler for at de politiske Ledere i USA og EU vil være imødekommende over for Berisha-regeringen, og at man vil give ham chancen for at vise hvad han du'er til. Der skal dog nok være nogle som er skeptiske, fordi de tænker tilbage på situationen i 1997 og på Berisha's autokratiske styre, men der er sket meget siden, Berisha er blevet en dygtigere Politiker, og det er foreløbig lykkedes ham at samle en troværdig koalition, der ikke alene omfatter de allerede nævnte fra den hidtidige »Nano-gruppe«, men også de mere borgerlige partier, Republikanerne og Reformdemokraterne.


Retur til indholdsoversigten





Valgdagen 3.7. - og umiddelbart derefter

Valgdeltagelsen er påfaldende lav, og der er store geografiske forskelle)

Løbende resultater 4.-6.7.

Den Centrale Valgkommission (CEC): Meddelelser

Kredsmandater

Proportionelle mandater

Regeringsdannelse

Resultatet kreds for kreds

Udtalelser fra de Internationale Observatører, den Amerikanske Ambassade, Præsident Moisiu





Valgets forberedelse. Baggrundsmateriale. Links. Forhistorie

Valgets forberedelse. Baggrundsmateriale. Forhistorien [Indholdsfortegnelse: klik tv]





Valgdeltagelsen var påfaldende lav, men der er betydelige geografiske forskelle

Valgdeltagelsen begrænses af at de mange albanere der arbejder illegalt eller legalt i udlandet har vanskeligheder med at stemme. Stemmedeltagelsen var fmtl. omkring 57 % [senere tal indikerer en noget lavere valgdeltagelse]. Årsagen til den ret lave deltagelse er formentlig at der er en del vælgere der mener at det ikke gør nogen forskel at stemme. Måske er der nogle af dem der tidligere stemte på Socialisterne, der ved dette valg har opgivet Venstrefløjen pga den megen uro og de mange intriger i den afsluttede valgperiode, men som ikke har villet stemme på ét af Højrepartierne?


»Tirana Times« skriver at over 700 familier i det nordlige Albanien var afskåret fra at deltage i valget, fordi de har barrikaderet sig pga indblanding i slægts- eller blodhævnsfejder - og fordi de ikke har fået politieskorte eller har fået mulighed for at brevstemme. I Shkodra-området skulle det dreje sig om over 150 familier. Gjin Marku fra the National Committee for Appeasement har været i forbindelse med Doris Pack (MPE) som har lovet at rejse sagen politisk i 'europæisk sammenhæng'. DR-TV viste i øvrigt 6.7.2005 Fulvio Mariani's og Elvira Dones' dokumentarfilm »Inchiodato« (italiensk for 'naglet'; albansk: 'I ngujuar'), se evt.: http://www.fipa.tm.fr/programmes/2005/fr.php?f=rep_11563&r=prsc.


Der er stadig Albanere der søger at komme illegalt til Grækenland for at få arbejde. »Kathimerini« skriver 24.7.:

A car chase in Grevena, northern Greece, early yesterday ended with the arrest of three men accused of helping transport into Greece six illegal immigrants from Albania. Police stopped the three men, traveling in two separate cars next to each other, after they picked up the illegal immigrants from the Florina region close to the Albanian border. The illegal immigrants were also detained.


Område

Vælgere

Stemmer på kandidater

Stemmer/Vælgere (%)

Kukës

66.375

42.870

64,6

Dibra

116.431

73.187

62,9

Korça

246.700

127.576

51,7

Elbasan

282.528

143.244

50,7

Lezha

135.890

67.331

49,5

Berat

158.071

77.722

49,2

Shkodra

196.114

96.208

49,1

Fier

300.220

144.678

48,2

Gjirokastra

112.728

51.658

45,8

Tirana

659.169

301.022

45,7

Durrës

264.280

115.993

43,9

Vlora

225.829

86.763

38,4

I alt

2.734.050

1.317.478

48,2

I alt (prognose alle valgzoner incl.)

2.846.000

1.340.000

47,1


Beregning foretaget af Bjørn Andersen 10.7.2005 på basis af materiale fra Den Centrale Valgkommission


Tabellen bygger på officielt materiale som det forelå 10.7. om eftermiddagen. De 3 steder hvor der - helt/delvist - mangler stemmetal er holdt ude (både mht antal vælgere og mht antal afgivne stemmer). Valgdeltagelse er her opfattet som stemmer på kandidater i procent af antal vælgere! Måske er der lidt flere vælgere der har afleveret stemme? (fx er der givetvis nogle stemmer der er erklæret ugyldige af den ene eller anden grund).


Prognosen nederst inkluderer de 3 zoner hvor de endelige stemmetal ikke foreligger.


Observationer:

1) Generelt er deltagelsen meget lav - lidt under 50%. Den er så lav at det burde give anledning til en nærmere undersøgelse af årsagerne. Fx kunne man foretage interviews af et antal vælgere i forskellige dele af landet for at afklare hvorfor valgdeltagelsen er relativt høj nogle steder i landet - og hvorfor den er meget lav i andre.

2) Deltagelsen er særligt lav i Tirana, Durrës, Gjirokastra og Vlora. Måske er forklaringen at relativt mange vælgere fra disse områder er i udlandet for at arbejde og derfor ikke kan afgive stemme? Måske er der relativt mange vælgere i disse områder der har svært ved at se et positivt formål i at stemme? Måske er det særligt her at splittelsen i Socialistpartiet har haft betydning - både mht at sprede stemmerne og mht at påvirke valgdeltagelsen i nedadgående retning?

3) Deltagelsen er temmelig høj i Kukës- og Dibra-områderne, dvs. i den nordøstlige del af Albanien. Muligvis er den kunstigt høj i Kukës, for tallene i valgzonerne 10 og 11 ser mærkelige ud. Umiddelbart kunne man tro at der er afgivet stemmer »en gros« eller ved en art »kåring«.

4) Når deltagelsen i Dibra-området er relativt høj skyldes det muligvis at man dér - i højere grad end andre steder - tror at der er en positiv »fremtid«? Det kunne i så fald have en vis sammenhæng med at man er blevet særligt begunstiget med hjælp fra bl.a. Danmark? Opmærksomheden henledes på en artikel om Qemal Minxhozi i »Koha Jone« 8.7. Her står at nogle af valgets største tabere var dem fra Socialistpartiet der havde svækket partiets renommé. Til gengæld var der andre kandidater der havde fremgang - og én af dem var Qemal Minxhozi der stillede op i Burrel. Minxhozi adskilte sig fra de andre kandidater. Han tog en stor chance, han opgav sin stilling som ambassadør i det »magiske« København, én af Europa's metropoler, for at kandidere. Han gav ikke falske løfter, han gav ikke penge, det eneste han gjorde var at tale med folk. Han sagde at han ville være én af deres, og at han ville vedblive med at være det. Hans familie kommer i øvrigt fra Burrel; Qemal Minxhozi tilhører ét af de gamle »dynastier« fra Mat og Burrel. Valget af Minxhozi giver forhåbninger om at ægte værdier ikke er skubbet til side af forretningsmænds løfter om et paradis der alligevel ikke findes. [Tak til Elmira Alija for hjælp til oversættelsen]

MINXHOZI, SOCIALISTI NDRYSHE

Partia Socialiste, pavaresisht se humbi zgjedhjet, ka padyshim disa mandate te merituara. Humbesit e medhenj ne keto zgjedhje ishin pikerisht ata qe e demtonin me shume imazhin e socialisteve dhe qe ndikuan ne renien e saj ne opozite. Nderkohe, ka figura te spikatura qe kane arritur te marrin pelqimin e shumices ne zonat e tyre, qe tregon se kjo parti ka shanse per riperteritje. Nje nga keto sinjale jen pikerisht nga Mati, atje ku u zgjodh deputet Qemal Minxhozi, si perfaqesues i PS-se.

Minxhozi e beri diferencen qe ne fillim. Ai vendosi te riskoje maksimalisht teksa la postin e ambasadorit shqiptar ne Danimarke per t"u futur ne nje gare aspak te sigurte. Por si arriti t"i bindte matjanet dhe burrelasit per t"i dhene voten. Nuk eshte sekret. Ai mori pelqimin e banoreve te zones jo me para, as me premtime kozmike, por me fjale. Fjala eshte e para, dhe kete e di mire mesa duket z. Minxhozi. Deputeti i zgjedhur u ka manifestuar qytetareve te kesaj zone se ai eshte nje nga ata, dhe do te jete kesisoj gjate gjithe mandatit. Ai ka manifestuar vullnetin dhe gatishmerine per te qene prane halleve dhe shqetesimeve te tyre me maksimunin e tij. Minxhozi vinte nga Kopenhageni i magjishem, nje nga kryeqendrat e Europes, megjithate ndihej dhe paraqitej si te ishte i atij ambjenti, pikerisht nga ku ka edhe prejardhjen.

Dhe meqe jemi ketu, origjina e tij familjare eshte nje tjeter avantazh qe percaktoi fitoren e 3 korrikut. Minxhozi eshte nje mbiemer i njohur ne kete zone, dhe perfaqeson nje nga "dinastite" e nderuara te Matit e Burrelit.

Fitorja e Minxhozit perfshin edhe nje shprese se vlerat ende nuk jane zhdukur nga forca e parase. Tregon vleren e matjaneve dhe burrelasve qe vendosen per te caktuar si perfaqesues te tyrin njeriun e besueshem, dhe jo biznesmenin apo premtuesin e parajses se paqene.


5) I visse tilfælde ser det ud som om vælgerne har ladet sig lokke til stemmeurnerne fordi der har været en særligt engagerende valgkamp?

6) Stemmedeltagelsen er lav i de kredse hvor de helt store koryfæer har været på banen: Berisha (#48), Topalli (#6) og især Nano (#99). Til gengæld var den i høj i Ilir Meta's kreds (#79).





Løbende resultater 4.7.-6.7.

Der foreligger 4.7. kl. 09:45 kun begrænsede resultater; fx ser det ud til at Anastas Angjeli (Socialisterne) har vundet snævert over Ylli Pango (Demokraterne) i kreds 38 i Tirana. Angjeli har fået 44 %, Pango 42 %. Edmond Panarati fra Ilir Meta's LSI har fået knap 9 %. [5.7. kl. 7:30] Angjeli står stadig til at have vundet; han tilskrives 44 % mod 43 og 8 %. [6.7. kl. 8:00] Flertallet ser ud til at være tippet; Pango står til 45 %, Angjeli til 43 %; LSI har ca. 8 %. Angjeli har så vidt vides protesteret over stemmetællingen.

[5.7. kl. 9.00] I Tirana kreds 41 er kredsmandatet formentlig tilfaldet Spartak Ngjela fra Demokraterne. Han har ca. 38 %, mens Socialisternes Spartak Poci har ca. 33 %. I denne kreds er der opstillet en uafhængig kandidat, Elisabeta Dosti, som har opnået 15 %.

[5.7. kl. 10] Sali Berisha (Demokraternes leder) synes at have vundet klart i Tirana kreds 48 med ca. 62 % og Ermelinda Meksi (fremtrædende Socialist) synes at have vundet Tirana kreds 35 med ca. 42 % mod 40 % til Apollon Bace fra Demokraterne.

[4.7. kl. 10:15] Demokraternes Omer Stringa ser ud til at have vundet over Socialisternes Taulant Dedja i kreds 53 i Elbasan. LSI fik kun godt 4 %. [20:30] Dedja har nu 44,5 % (1814 stemmer) mod Omer Stringa der har 44,3 % (1806). [5.7. kl. 7:30; 10:40] Flertallet synes at være tippet. Dedja står nu til 46-47 % mod 43 % til Stringa.

[4.7. kl. 11:00-11:20] Demokraterne har fmtl. (som ventet) vundet nogle kredse i Shkodra-området, bl.a. har Jozefina Topalli opnået 58 % i kreds 6. [5.7. kl. 10:40] Jozefina Topalli har øget sit forspring til 60-61 %. Cef Cuni fra Socialisterne står til 23 % og Ardjan Dajti fra LSI til 6-7 %. [6.7. kl. 18.00] Esmeralda Uruci, LSI, står til 11 %.

[4.7. kl. 11:00-11:20] Fatos Nano har fået 54 % i kreds 99 ved Vlora i den anden ende af landet (Demokraterne fik dér 38 %, LSI 4 %). [5.7. kl. 10:40] Nano fører med 57 % mod 36 % til Besnik Aliaj (Demokraterne); LSI står til godt 3 %.

Arta Dade (Socialisterne) har fået 42 % i kreds 65 i Fier mod 36 % til Ndini Ndoni fra Demokraterne og hele 17 % til Thokli Thomaj fra LSI. [kl. 20:00] Arta Dade står stadig til at vinde, men Demokraterne er tæt på. Pct.fordelingen er 39.8 mod 39.2. [5.7. kl. 10:40] Arta Dade står nu til 42-43 %, Ndoni til 36 %.

[4.7. kl. 11:00; justeret kl. 20:25] Tidl. minister Luan Rama (Socialisterne) ser ikke ud til at have fået et mandat i kreds 32 i Tirana; det går sandsynligvis til Demokraternes Besnik Mustafaj med 55 % af stemmerne. LSI får 7-8 %. [5.7. kl. 10:40] Situationen er uændret Mustafaj ca. 55 %, Rama ca. 32 %. LSI 7 %.

[4.7. kl. 12:00] Der er kommet tal fra kreds 18 i Dibra-området. Tallene er meget lave og er helt foreløbige. Men ifølge dem er det Demokraterne der får kredsmandatet, mens Socialisternes Qemal Minxhozi og LSI's Agim Hysa er kommet ret dårligt ud. [kl.: 19:30] Der er kommet flere tal som synes at vise at Qemal Minxhozi får kredsmandatet, men Demokraternes Gani Hoxha er kun ganske få stemmer bagefter. [5.7. kl. 7:30] Qemal Minxhozi's forspring er øget; han har nu 41.8 % mod 38.9. LSI står til 13 %.

[4.7. kl. 20:45] Der foreligger ikke tal fra kreds 79 i Berat hvor Ilir Meta er opstillet. Er der problemer? [5.7. kl. 7:30] Ilir Meta synes at have vundet med 56 % mod 24 % til Socialisternes Adnor Shameti og 18 % til Demokraternes Luan Brego. [5.7. kl. 10:40] Ilir Meta står nu til 53 %, Shameti til 29 % og Bregu til 15 %. [6.7. kl. 8.30] Meta har fået ca. 50 %.

[5.7. kl. 11:00] Der foreligger endnu ikke tal fra kreds 76 og 77 i Berat-området. Her kandiderer bl.a. minister Marko Bello og undervisningsminister Luan Memushi fra Socialisterne. [11:30] De første tal fra kreds 77 giver Luan Memushi en føring. [18:45] Både Marko Bello og Luan Memushi ser ud til at have sikret sig et kredsmandat mod hhv. Leonord Kumaraku (Demokraterne) og Mustafa Muco (LSI). [De samlede tal for kreds 77 er meget lave; måske er ikke alle tal indberettet?]




Stemmeresultatet som det fremstod 6.7.2005 kl. 17.55. Tallene kan umuligt være ajourførte, så små de er ... Måske er kreds 77 ét af de områder hvor nogle af valgkommissionsmedlemmerne er gået deres vej?


[6.7. kl. 8:30] Gjirokastra kreds 90 Demokraternes Genci Ruli har fået 47 % mod 39 % til Socialisternes Makbule Çeço.





CEC: Udtalelser

[4.7.] Den Centrale Valgkommission har udsendt to meddelelser:

The conduct of the voting process, in 2005 elections to the Assembly, ends successfully

[04.07.2005] The 2005 elections to the Albanian Assembly were peacefully, correctly and seriously conducted. The voters were directed to the voting centers throughout the country, which were opened on Sunday, July 3rd, 2005, at 07.00 hrs. The turnout in these elections is considered high, compared to the previous elections. In general, the Voting Center Commissions and Zone Elections Commissions exercised correctly their duties according to law and regarding the voters. The voters had the possibility to freely express their will through their vote. The election commissions enabled to guarantee the integrity of the voting and its stability until its closing, yesterday at 19.00 hrs. The election commissions were adequately trained and generally professionals to fulfil the functions assigned to them.

In compliance with the provisions of the Electoral Code, the CEC has functioned by meeting regularly and has taken decision according to the established provisions. The CEC had under its control the whole process in regard to the organisative and logistic part. In this regard, the CEC was prepared and predisposed to face any unforeseen situation.

The process of organisation and functioning of zone election commissions and voting center commissions is considered regular. The commissioners were trained by the CEC according to the adopted training scheme. The CEC trained intensively the members of vote counting teams, from the moment of their appointment til the starting of the counting process.

The CEC attention is focused on the observation of the vote counting process in order to guarantee that it is conducted with no interventions, according to the established provisions provided for in law.

The conduct of the elections marked a qualitative standard regarding the road of Albania towards the democracy and integration in the family of developed nations. They marked an important priority in the election history of Albania.

-

The CEC calls on to BCTs and ZECs to complete ballot counting process in time

[04.07.2005] The CEC calls on to the members of the Ballot Counting Teams and Zone Election Commissions to progress with the ballot counting process. The end of the counting process is crucial for announcing the members to the assembly emerging from the voting and the regularity of the election process.

The CEC appeals to all the members of the ZECs and BCTs to show responsibility in performing their state duty. The timely delivery of all the counting resuls is the essential part of the whole election process and for that reason, they should try to deliver them as quickly as possible.

The CEC demands that the political parties that have proposed members of the ballot counting teams respect the rules of this process and let them to freely exercise their instrumental duty.

The CEC would like to remind the ballot counting team members, that, if they abandon or obstruct the ballot counting process, they will be faced with administrative and penal sanctions provided for by law. The ballot counting process is part of the election process and for that reason, we demand respect of the law and integrity of the process by all the participants.


[6.7.] Den Centrale Valgkommission har udsendt flg.:

[06.07.2005] 99 Election Zones ended the ballot counting process. The final election results are published for 51 election Zones, which have delivered the materials to the CEC, according to law. 48 Election Zones are expected to deliver the election materials to the CEC, in order to continue the publication of the results of these elections.

Actually, the ballot counting process in the Election Zone no.92 continues to be in a deadlock. The CEC is trying to end the ballot counting process in this zone and make possible the delivery of election materials to the CEC.





Kredsmandater (100)

5.7. kl. 9:00 ser det ud til at Demokraterne har fået langt flere kredsmandater (mellem 50 og 55) end Socialisterne. Enkelte kredsmandater synes at være tilfaldet andre, således Ilir Meta i Berat kreds 79 og nogle uafhængige kandidater i det sydligste Albanien. [5.7. kl. 18:30] Det ser pt ud til at Demokraterne har sikret sig godt 50 mandater, Socialisterne 40. 3 mandater tilfalder andre (Ilir Meta 1, PBDNJ [HRUP] 1, uafhængig 1).

[6.7. 12:00] Demokraterne står til 54-55, Socialisterne til 43-42, Andre til 3 (heriblandt Ilir Meta). Når det kommer til at tælle mandater er der 55 til Højre og 45 til Venstre - dertil kommer de proportionelle mandater.





Proportionelle mandater (40)

5.7. kl. 9:00. Situationen er pt. uvis. Fordelingen kan ikke afklares endeligt før kredsmandaterne er fordelt. Måske vil især Socialisterne, men også Demokraterne få nogle proportionelle mandater? Nogle mandater vil imidlertid tilfalde Meta's LSI og nogle de andre små partier.

[6.7. kl. 13:00] Umiddelbart ser det ud til at der vil falde ca. lige mange mandater til hver af de to store blokke. Hvis tallene ellers er rigtige vil Republikanerne (Fatmir Mediu) få en hel del af de proportionelle mandater.





Regeringsdannelse

Først når der er en vis sikkerhed for fordelingen af kredsmandater og proportionelle mandater vil det kunne afklares hvem der står stærkest mht at danne regering. Det ser dog ud til at den nuværende premierminister Fatos Nano har tabt en hel del ift sidste valg, og at tidligere præsident Berisha står tilsvarende stærkere.

[6.7. 12:00] Det ser ud til at Berisha sammenlagt vil få tilstrækkeligt mandater bag sig til at kunne danne en regering med et flertal bag sig. Foreløbig har han indbudt Republikanerne at deltage i regeringen. Meta vil (som det ligger) være uden indflydelse på regeringsdannelsen.





Resultatet kreds for kreds

Oplysningerne stammer fra forskellige kilder, bl.a. fra Den Centrale Valgkommission, men også fra albanske medier, fordi Valgkommissionens tal ikke er ajourførte i alle tilfælde. Der må derfor tages et vist forbehold. I langt de fleste tilfælde er der overensstemmelse mellem alle kilder jeg har undersøgt. I nogle tilfælde er der kun få stemmer mellem dén der er anført at have vundet og '# 2'.

Valgt Kreds PD PS Andre I alt
Paulin Sterkaj 1
1

[Astrit Bushati]. Der skal holdes omvalg 21.8. ... Omvalget blev vundet af Astrit Bushati 2 1


Ramiz Cobaj 3 1


Gilman Bakalli 4 1


Arenca Trashani 5 1


Jozefina Topalli 6 1


Tom Doshi 7
1

Nard Ndoka 8 1


Rexhep Uka 9 1


Aleksander Biberaj 10 1


Jemin Gjana 11 1


Fatos Hoxha 12 1


Aldo Bumci 13 1


Prec Zogaj 14 1


Gjovalin Prenga 15 1


Gjoke Vuksani 16 1


Pal Dajci 17 1


Qemal Minxhozi 18
1

Idriz Xhomara 19 1


Sali Shehu 20 1


Rahim Kaleci 21 1


Sadri Abazi 22
1

Shkelqim Ziri 23 1


Ndricin Babasi 24 1


Sami Gjergji 25 1


Sokol Olldashi 26 1


Florjan Bajramaj 27 1


Ferdinand Xhaferri 28 1


Gazmend Oketa 29 1


Genc Juka 30 1


Bamir Topi 31 1


Besnik Mustafaj 32 1


Lulzim Basha 33 1


Bujar Nishani 34 1


Ermelinda Meksi 35
1

Andis Harasani 36
1

Shpëtim Idrizi 37
1

Ylli Pango 38 1


Majlinda Bregu 39 1


Gezim Karapici 40 1


Spartak Ngjela 41 1


Musa Ulqini 42
1

Safet Sulaj 43 1


Astrit Patozi 44 1


Leonoard Demi 45 1


Durim Lamaj 46
1

Baki Shehi 47 1


Sali Berisha 48 1


Engjell Cara 49 1


Luan Skuqi 50 1


Dashnor Sula 51 1


Durim Hushi 52
1

Taulant Dedja 53
1

Aurel Bylykbashi 54
1

Bukurosh Stafa 55
1

Valentina Leskaj 56
1

Namik Dokle 57
1

Ndricim Hysa 58
1

Elmaz Sherifi 59
1

Taulant Balla 60
1

Rrapush Tola 61
1

Blerim Cela 62 1


Mevlan Xhindoli 63 1


Ilir Bano [CEC har ikke lagt tal på internettet så sent som 7.7. kl. 6:30]. ... Omvalg 21.8., som Bano vandt 64 1


Arta Dade 65
1

Arlbert Caci 66
1

Petri Koci 67
1

Fatmir Xhindi 68
1

Ylli Bufi 69
1

Blendi Klosi [CEC havde ikke lagt tal på internettet så sent som 7.7. kl. 6:30] 70
1

Fatos Beja [CEC havde ikke lagt tal på internettet så sent som 7.7. kl. 6:30] 71 1


Rajmonda Stefa 72
1

Kastriot Islami [Artur Shehu havde næsten lige så mange stemmer og fik mandatet i første omgang: en retslig myndighed har givet Islami mandatet i stedet] 72
1

Mehmet Xheka 74 1


Erion Brace 75
1

Marko Bello 76
1

Luan Memushi 77
1

Bashkim Fino 78
1

Ilir Meta 79

1 LSI
Ben Blushi 80
1

Ridvan Bode 81 1


Pandeli Majko 82
1

Ilir Rusmajli 83 1


Edmond Spaho 84 1


Fatmir Xhafa 85
1

Besnik Jacelli 86 1


Mehmet Hoxha 87 1


Alfred Dalipi 88
1

Flamur Hoxha 89
1

Genci Ruli. Omvalg 21.8., som Ruli vandt 90 1


Gramoz Ruci 91
1

Vangjel Tavo [6.7.: Actually, the ballot counting process in the Election Zone no. 92 continues to be in a deadlock. The CEC is trying to end the ballot counting process in this zone and make possible the delivery of election materials to the CEC]. Valgresultatet forelå 10.7. 92
1
Arben Malaj 93
1

Bujar Leskaj 94 1


Arben Isaraj 95
1

Ardian Kolozi 96 1


Besnik Dervishi 97
1

Spiro Peci 98

1 Pavarur [uafhængig]
Fatos Nano 99
1

Stefan Cipa 100
1







I alt
55 43 2 100


PD PS Andre I alt






Udtalelser fra de Internationale Observatører, den Amerikanske Ambassade, Præsident Moisiu m.fl.


[4.7. kl. 16:00] De Internationale Observatører synes at være behersket positive, se nærmere nedenfor.


Den Amerikanske Ambassade har samme dag udsendt flg. udtalelse:

  

3.7.2005: Tv USA's Ambassadør Marcie Ries, derefter Præsident Moisiu og den Amerikanske Kongresmand Eliot Engel. Engel er leder af en gruppe Amerikanske observatører.


The United States welcomes the commitment to democratic development shown by the people of Albania on election day. We are encouraged that so many Albanians chose to exercise their right to vote for the leadership of their country, and that elections were held in a positive atmosphere.

We are aware that the election process was marked by some problems. The critical final period will be an important one for measuring progress, and we urge that all persons and political parties faithfully adhere to the electoral code and Code of Conduct and follow appropriate legal procedures. We call on all political forces to work together in a spirit of cooperation to form a new government that will undertake the reforms necessary to advance Albania's integration into the Euro-Atlantic community.





5.7. Præsident Moisiu har haft besøg af politidirektør Bajram Ibraj.

Præsidentkontoret har udsendt flg.:


  


The President of the Republic, Alfred Moisiu held a meeting with the General Director of State Police, Director Bajram Ibraj. President Moisiu praised the work of the State Police in the parliamentary election process. By respecting the law, the Electoral Code and the guidelines of the Central Elections Commission on the role of this structure in the elections, it was pointed out that the State Police, with some very minor exceptions, is demonstrating that this structure is consolidating its physiognomy in the service of the securing the public order and the calmness for the citizens.

Continuing, the President of the Republic, Alfred Moisiu advised that these structures to increase their efficiency in the fight against crime, especially during the post-electoral period. Mr. Moisiu paused on the events of the last days and recommended that the authors of those criminal acts must be caught and brought in front of justice as soon as possible. The police structures must continue their normal work upholding the law, regardless of the latest political developments of the country assuring them at the mean time about his Constitutional support.

On his part, the General Director of the State Police, Director Ibraj thanked the President of the Republic, about the appreciation of the police role during these elections, about the continuous support that he has enjoyed from Mr. Moisiu as the head of state and expressed his commitment to always uphold the law and fulfilling of the duties.





Erklæring fra Præsidenten 6.7.2005:

The July 3 parliamentary elections were an important event in the path of the progress of Albanian democracy. They were conducted normally, in a competing manner, with a high voters’ participation and in the spirit required by the standards for free and democratic elections.

On this occasion I would like express the solemn gratitude to the entire Albanian people, especially to the young generations, who through the massive participation in the elections and their behavior demonstrated a high level of citizenship and conveyed a major and civil message to the politics. I also appreciate the work and the dedication of the independent institutions involved in the electoral process, the efforts of the political forces to respect the standards and also the irreplaceable role of the written and visual media.

The electoral campaign and the elections’ day belong to the determination of the Albanians to leave behind the contested and problematic electoral processes. That is why all, especially the politics that they owe a lot to their people and must not allow this process to be stained, must realize it. The period of administering of the votes, this time marked a positive development with their numbering in the zonal centers; however it did not escaped from the delays and criticism, which are mainly tied to technical problems and in some cases to the intervention of politics. The political parties and the candidates have the right to follow the legal way of complaining the same as they have the political and legal obligation to respect the rulings of the responsible institutions.

Appreciating the work of the Central Electoral Commission and the Electoral Panel up to the elections’ day, I appeal to them that during this conclusive phase of the electoral process to be professionals, transparent and impartial in the fair and quick reviewing of the complains. On this occasion I invite the political parties to demonstrate self-restrain and responsibility, to not forget the commitments taken upon through the signing of the Code of Conduct and to not threaten the integrity of the electoral process.

Albania needs stability and rapid democratic progress, and that is why I appeal to all the political forces that in compliance to the final results of the elections and to the known democratic norms to engage in the founding of the parliament and the new government. The citizens have spoken already. They expect their will to be respected. I appeal to the state institutions and to the administration to continue the work with the required responsibility that does not allow the creation of the vacuum in fulfilling the legal obligations towards the state and the citizens.





7.7.2005 Udtalelse i OSCE af den Amerikanske Diplomat Paul Jones:

Albanian Elections Show Commitment to Democratic Development

U.S. diplomat Paul Jones addresses OSCE Permanent Council

The United States praised the “commitment to democratic development” shown during the July 3 parliamentary elections in Albania, but also noted that some technical problems remain in the election process.

In remarks before the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) Permanent Council July 7, U.S. diplomat Paul Jones said the United States commends the Albanian Central Election Committee “for its largely professional and transparent efforts in conducting the election.”

He took note, however, of the preliminary conclusions of the OSCE’s International Election Observation Mission, which cited technical problems related to voter identification and to overcrowding at the polls. “The current election system will remain prone to abuse until Albania fully addresses these problems,” said Jones. The United States urged that the process of certifying the election results “be completed without delay.”

Following is the text of Jones’ remarks to the OSCE Permanent Council:

United States Mission to the OSCE

STATEMENT ON THE CONDUCT OF THE JULY 3 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN ALBANIA

As delivered by Chargé d'Affaires Paul Jones to the Permanent Council, Vienna

July 7, 2005

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

The United States welcomes the commitment to democratic development shown by the people of Albania in the July 3rd parliamentary elections. We are encouraged that so many Albanians chose to exercise their right to vote for the leadership of their country.

We would like to commend the Central Election Committee for its largely professional and transparent efforts in conducting the election, and the police for their restrained behavior before and during the election process.

At the same time, it is clear that the election process suffered from certain technical problems, as noted in the International Election Observation Mission's preliminary conclusions.

Voters endured unacceptable overcrowding and delays in casting their votes, while polling stations in many cases incorrectly followed procedures designed to ensure the identity of voters and prevent multiple voting.

The issuance and use of birth certificates in the voter identification process was problematic, as well as the absence of a uniform country-wide address system and standardized personal identification documents.

We agree that the current election system will remain prone to abuse until Albania fully addresses these problems.

We urge that the process of certifying the results of the election be completed without delay.

The United States fully agrees that any disputes over the election results be referred to the relevant Albanian bodies and that their independent decisions be fully respected. We urge that all legal challenges be resolved expeditiously and fairly, and that these decisions be fully respected.

The United States would like to express its gratitude to the over 400 observers who participated in the OSCE-organized International Election Observation Mission. Finally, we would also like to praise the efforts and dedication of the 120 men and women who work year round in the OSCE's Presence in Albania. We call upon Albania's political leadership to fully utilize their talents, energy, and commitment to help the country move further along the path of reform.

Thank you Mr. Chairman





Valgets forberedelse. Baggrundsmateriale. Forhistorien

Oversigt

Udlandet

Gallup'er

Det Albanske valgsystem

Valgreglerne (uddrag)

Domstolenes opgaver

Politiets opgaver

Præsident Moisiu holder afsluttende formaningstale 1.7.2005

Valget i kreds 18, Dibra

ODIHR/OSCE: De Internationale Observatører

Udtalelse 4.7.2005

Links om valget

Forhistorien

Aktuelle baggrundslinks





Oversigt




OSCE: Valgzonerne. Klik på kortet hvis du vil downloade det som PDF-fil fra OSCE. Kortet kan (på skærmen) forstørres og formindskes når man er »i« Acrobat Reader - se udsnittet længere nede af Dibra-området. Kortet kan også udprintes; det kan i så fald anbefales at stille printeren til 'fit to printer margins', 'tilpas til papir' eller tilsvarende.








De fleste partier har fordelt sig i to store grupper. Én gruppe samarbejder med Socialistpartiet - der ledes af Fatos Nano.




Billedet ovenfor er fra Elbasan 27.6.2005; det illustrerer at man på venstrefløjen både stiller op som individuelle partier når det drejer sig om kredsmandaterne og samarbejder om de proportionelle mandater (se ndf.). I midten ses PM Fatos Nano. Fra venstre ses bl.a. Neritan Ceka (Demokratisk Alliance), tidl. udenrigsminister Paskal Milo (som er brudt ud fra Socialdemokratiet i utilfredshed med Skënder Gjinushi's politik) og vicepremierminister Namik Dokle (Socialisterne). Th for Nano ses tidligere arbejdsminister Valentina Leskaj (Socialisterne) og Skënder Gjinushi (Socialdemokratiet).










En anden mere borgerlig gruppe samarbejder med Demokraterne - der ledes af tidligere præsident Sali Berisha (se billedet ovenfor).








Nogle forsøger at stå relativt frit som Ilir Meta's Integrations-Socialister. Hvis Meta's parti får nogle mandater, kan de komme til at spille en betydningsfuld rolle, når der skal dannes regering.





Vælgerne: Mange af vælgerne vil formentlig stemme som de plejer, omend nok i lidt mindre grad end i 1990'erne. Om man støtter den ene gruppe eller den anden kan være politisk bestemt, men undertiden skyldes det at man har størst tillid til den ene eller anden side af lokale, klanmæssige eller personlige grunde.

Ved de tidligere valg har der været en del problemer med valglisterne, fx fordi mange af dem der var flyttet til de store byer, men som boede i illegale boliger, ikke var blevet behørigt registreret. Ved dette valg er mulighederne for selv at kontrollere om man er registreret korrekt bedre end tidligere (se: http://80.78.67.16/).


Den Centrale Valgkommission har 1.7.2005 udsendt flg.:

CEC – Decision to eliminate abuses with birth certificates to be used for voters identification

[01.07.2005] The chairman of the Central Election Commission, Ilirjan Celibashi, issued the following statement in a press release on Friday: “During the last days, the CEC has been trying to solve the issue of certificates and the solution consisted in having a secure and reliable process by all the parties. For that reason, the CEC has taken a series of decisions and today it passed the last decision, by which we believe to have finally dismissed any potential doubts or abuses with the issue of certificates.

According to the CEC decisions on the Albanian citizens who will go to the polls with a birth certificate and a photo, if there will be doubts about their identity, the VCC has the right to require, besides the certificate, one of the following documents: drivers’ license, passport, which could also be invalid, university diploma, high school diploma, license of exercising the business activity, military record, various identity cards issued by state institutions and other personal documents with a photo.

This will not be necessarily required to all the voters who will go to vote with a certificate, but, if at least two members of the Voting Center Commission have doubts on the identity of the respective voters, then this voter is obliged to submit one of the additional documents.

We kindly ask all the voters who are voting with a birth certificate, to keep one of the above identification documents with them. It is not that the VCC needs and should require these additional documents; that is only in case when there are suspicions on their identity. If the voter goes to vote with a passport or ID, this rule does not apply.

If the voter refuses to show the additional documents in case there are doubts, then he will not be allowed to vote. We ask the voters to understand that this rule is to their benefit and that of the process, because we do not want to conduct an election process which will be contested by parties and a result that will not be recognized.

We want to eliminate not only all reasons for contesting the elections, but also all justifications related to this context. The latest solution is also a thorough solution and if it will be properly applied, I think it will guarantee the process”.





Tonen: Efter at valget blev udskrevet blev der - under præsident Moisiu's forsæde - indgået en aftale om 'god tone'. Til at begynde med har de fleste fulgt disse regler, men efterhånden som valgdagen nærmer sig, er tonen i nogle af kredsene blevet skarpere - og siges det fra forskellig side: kritisabel.

Præsident Moisiu har haft partilederne på besøg for at forhøre sig om valgkampen og for at præcisere at aftalen om god tone skal respekteres. Præsidentkontoret skriver:

June 28, 2005

Asked by the media regarding the complains that the political parties and various candidates have addressed during the last days to President Moisiu, the Spokesmen of the President declared that:

The President of the Republic, Alfred Moisiu in coherence with his constitutional responsibilities and function, is following up close all the progress of the electoral campaign. During the direct meetings with the political forces and the heads of the main institutions in the country, President Moisiu has treated all the problems of the campaign in order for Albania in July 3 to successfully realize free, fair and democratic elections.

Once again, President Moisiu reiterates the need for the political parties, the candidates and their staffs, with calm and self-control to fully respect the moral commitments expressed in the Code of Conduct and also the legal engagements that come out from the Electoral Code and the Constitution of Albania.

President Moisiu also appeals to the independent institutions, especially the State Police, Courts, Prosecutor Office, State Intelligence Service, Army and Central Election Commission to fulfill their obligations by showing maximal impartiality, commitment and responsibility in upholding the requirements of the law. The President of the Republic, Alfred Moisiu calls on them to act quickly and with full transparency in front of the public towards every complaint coming from the electoral political parties and their candidates and asks the same from the later ones to be correct in the relations with the institutions and the public.





Præsidenten har haft møde med repræsentanter for forskellige NGO'er.

Præsidentkontoret har udsendt flg.:

17.6.2005 President Moisiu meets the civil society representatives engaged in the electoral process.


  


The President of the Republic, Alfred Moisiu received today in the morning the representatives of a few non-profit organizations engaged in the electoral process – Pjerin Marku, Head of the Anticorruption Coalition, Gerta Meta, President of the Association for Democratic Culture, Vasilika Hysi, Executive Director of the Albanian Helsinki Committee and Kristaq Kume, Director of the Institution for Elections.

President Moisiu stressed the importance of July 3 elections and called positive the fact of the great number of the Albanian observers in the elections. This shows that the civil society and the civil responsibilities in our country are at the required level.

Pointing out the importance of the presence of ODHIR/OSCE and Council of Europe observers, President Moisiu emphasized the fact that they after the publishing of the final report will leave Albania, while our observers will remain because they live here.

“By having Albanian observers in the elections, we can found a positive tradition and a contingent of capable and professional people to take on responsibilities even in the future. We will hold local elections in 2006 so your observers will have the opportunity to use and enhance the level of their work.”

President Moisiu emphasized that the observers of Albanian NGO-s must be trained at the right level and to be well-informed about all the details of electoral procedures. They must be impartial and be an active part of the contribution for free and fair elections.

The Head of State suggested that the observing groups, regardless of the fact that their main work is done on the elections’ day, to state their preliminary observations about the progress of the electoral process, because their word influences on the work improvement. Mr. Moisiu invited them to observe and assist the full implementation of the Code of Conduct within the means that they have. “The elections must not be good only technically, but they must be also based on civil values and a strong and credible morality” – stated President Moisiu who also suggested that the NGO-s must actively collaborate with the Central Elections Commission, with the zonal commissions, with the international observing groups in the campaign in order for their effect to be positive and the final evaluation as clear as possible.

“You have my full support about your activity in the honest and professional monitoring of the electoral process, of the elections’ day and pre-electoral period.” – stated President Moisiu.

The interlocutors appreciated the attention of President Moisiu to their engagement in this very important process and stressed that the monitoring that they will realize will not be that of an only one organization, but of a large group to precede also the political prejudices. Their aim is one wide and quit observation, a premise to lower the number of foreign observers in future elections and the increase of the trust of the Albanian voters in the civil society. According to the civil society representatives, the document compiled by them about these elections will be referral. They pointed out that a great number of 3300 independent observers will be present in all the prefectures, thus covering 60% of the voting and numbering centers, by qualitatively monitoring them and they will publicly inform on the progress of the process through a system of coordination. At the mean time it was emphasized that the observers, who are mainly students, have been trained and an observer’s ethic code has been prepared for them. During the talks they pointed out other problems too that they have come across.





Udlandet har lagt stort pres på de Albanske politikere for at dette valg bliver korrekt afviklet. Jf. udtalelser nedenfor af den Amerikanske ambassadør i Albanien, Marcie Ries - og af vicetalsmand Adam Ereli (Udenrigsministeriet). Selveste CIA-direktør Porter J. Goss lagde vejen forbi 27.6.2005:

28 June 2005 Remarks by U.S. Ambassador Marcie B. Ries

Roundtable on Free and Fair Elections

Albanian Institute for International Studies

Thank you very much. Thank you, Albert, and thank you to the Institute for hosting this activity, which is a very important part of holding a democratic election.

I think we all know that the elections this Sunday are critical for Albania to continue on its path of democratic development.

The conduct of these elections, and whether they meet international standards, will also determine in a large way Albania's progress toward integration into Euro-Atlantic structures.

The U.S. Government is very interested in the elections. We have been following with great interest events related to them, and will continue to do so.

I want to say something that I have said before -- The United States Government does not support any particular party or any particular candidate. Anyone who suggests or pretends otherwise is wrong. What the United States does support is a process conducted in compliance with international standards and one, which represents the will of the Albanian People.

The electoral process involves many actors, including the political parties, the candidates, and most importantly you: the voters.

It is essential that all parties and political leaders respect and adhere to the provisions of their Code of Conduct, a key part of which is acceptance by party leaders and supporters of the results of elections that clearly expresses the will of the Albanian people.

We urge all political party leaders, their candidates, and party supporters to respect the Electoral Law and the Code of Conduct, and to work within the framework and institutions established to govern the conduct of these elections.

The media and civil society also have important responsibilities. Both monitor the process, ensure fair play among all the actors, and encourage citizen participation. Aware of this duty, the U.S. Government, as well as other governments and organizations, has given assistance both for the preparation of the elections and providing information to voters about how to vote. And of course, we will be a part of the monitoring effort.

It is in the interest of Albania -- but also of the U.S. -- that these elections are successful: we enjoy an excellent relationship with Albania and its people; we view Albania as a strong partner, particularly in the War on Terror, as well as in the region. The United States has a vibrant Albanian American community at home. A democratic, prosperous, and stable Albania, with membership in the Euro-Atlantic community in its future is a goal of the United States.

The conduct and result of this process depends considerably on Albanian voters and the power they possess in their vote. Registering to vote, showing up at the polls on July 3rd, and most importantly, voting for the candidate that best represents their interests, is the best way for Albanians to take control of their own future.

Thank you very much.

-

On July 3, Albanian voters will go to the polls. This election represents one of the most important events in Albania since the fall of communism. Elections that meet international standards will be seen by the United States and the international community as evidence that Albania is making clear progress on the road to becoming a full member of the Euro-Atlantic community.

Recently, the leaders of all Albania's political parties signed a code of conduct for the elections. We commend this gesture and believe it is an indicator of how well Albania's political leaders can work together to ensure these elections meet international standards. We are pleased that Albania's political leaders have committed to a democratic, civil, and peaceful campaign. It is essential that all parties and political leaders respect and adhere to the provisions of the code of conduct, a key part of which is acceptance by party leaders and supporters of the results of a free and fair election.

The United States and Albania enjoy excellent relations. We also share common values based on our belief in democracy and the central role played by the rule of law in safeguarding democracy. We urge Albanians and their political parties to use the opportunity presented by the election to demonstrate further Albania's democratic credentials, and keep Albania firmly on the path of entry into Euro-Atlantic Institutions.





Gallup'er: Der har ikke hidtil været tradition for Gallup'er i Albanien, men denne gang har to forskellige Gallup-institutter forsøgt sig, Gallup International på anmodning af Mjaft. Begge institutter mener at det er mest sandsynligt at Demokraterne får de fleste stemmer (35-40%). Næsten lige så mange skulle imidlertid falde på Socialisterne (34-37%), mens omkring 10 procent forventes at falde på Ilir Meta's parti - og resten vil falde på de mange små partier. Flere af dem vil muligvis slet ikke blive repræsenteret fordi de vil ligge under spærregrænsen.

Parties that win less than 2.5 percent and coalitions that win less than 4 percent of the valid votes in the whole country do not benefit from supplemental seats.


Mjaft har 14.7.2005 udsendt pressemeddelelse om valgresultatet ift prognoserne og om relationerne til de to Gallup'er:

Were the Election Polls wrong?

Nano’s answer to the generosity of the American Government, that funded an NDI poll, was a disrespectful ingratitude: Gjergji Koja, the person he had chosen to be the public face of his party, attacked the credibility of NDI, mentioning Milloshevic’s funding. Why? Because the results of the poll were not suited to his boss. The generosity of the British and Dutch governments, funding two MJAFT polls, had the same destiny. But this time, the ingratitude was Nano’s identical twin. The legal conflict between Gallup International (whose branch did the polls in Albania) and Gallup Organization, both of these founded by Dr. George Gallup, served as a cause to attack MJAFT polls.

The fact that Albanian politics attacked the organizations that made the polls, created indignation in the diplomatic circles in Tirana. According to the Albanian-American Gary Kokalari, in the case of the MJAFT polls, even an important American congressman expressed a high indignation towards the attacks made by the Berisha camp. And the indignation of the foreign diplomats was comprehensible, if we take into consideration the fact that it was their money that was being spent to make public polls part of the Albanian democratic culture. But even though this has to do with the standard democratic culture, the two dinosaurs of the Albanian politics, showed that they are provincial politicians.

Since public polls are an important institution of every liberal democracy, and since they have been attacked in Albania from the beginning, it is very important for the accuracy of the pre-elections polls to be analyzed in retrospective, now that the elections are over. The first poll (NDI’s) showed that the vote in proportional would be higher for the Right (DP, National Movement for Development, etc.) than for the Left (SP, Socialist Movement for Integration, etc.). Actually, the real results of the elections showed that the Left got 3 % more than the Right, in proportional (49% the Left, 46 % the Right and 5 % the two parties of the national minorities). However, this inconsistency can be partly explained with the fact that the NDI poll took place before the electoral Congress of the SP, and before starting the electoral battle with Berisha.

The second poll (the first conducted by MJAFT), showed that the balance in proportional had changed, and the Left had 4 points more than the Right. You could not expect a very high accuracy from this poll either; 17 % of the interviewees had refused to answer. Whilst the third poll (the second conducted by MJAFT), deserves a deeper analysis, because it was made public 10 days before the elections and because only 7 % of the potential voters, refused to say their favorite political party.

Combining the answer about the favorite party with the question of the probability of participating in the elections, also spreading in a proportional way the undecided voters, the following table can be compiled, with the analytic data, collected two weeks before the elections, from the branch of Gallup International. And for comparison, the data from the factual counting of the votes in proportional, certified till today from the CEC, are put on the side of the table.

- The poll result, % The actual results %
DP & RP 39,9 Coalition of DP 38,5
SP 37,8 Coalition of SP 37,4
SMI 9,9 SMI 8,4
NMD 3,2 NMD 3,4
UHMP & others 9,2 UHMP & others 12,4
Total 100 Total 100


As the table points out, the data based on the analysis of the Gallup International branch, has been very accurate. This way, according to this data, 37 % of the factual voters, would vote SP in proportional. And in fact, 37.3 % voted the coalition lead by this party; a perfect accuracy. And the forecast for the National Movement for Development was very accurate; the foreseen percentage was almost identical with the result. Only the prediction for the DP coalition and SMI did not have perfect accuracy, but it was within the margin of the accepted statistical mistake. As far as the smaller political parties, there is no need to talk about them, since the limit of mistake is +/- 2.6 %.

The above analysis shows that the first public polls done in Albania have passed the accuracy test. For this reason, both political camps have to apologize publicly to the organizations that took the initiative of doing these polls, who instead of congratulating them, attacked them in the most vulgar way. And, if both our political camps would do this, they will give an encouraging sign that they are starting to adapt the democratic culture, which is very necessary to become a part of the continent we live in.

*

WASHINGTON POST

Albanian Advocacy Group Facing a Fight It Didn't Anticipate

By Nora Boustany, July 13, 2005

A civic action and advocacy group in Albania has been caught up in a legal dispute over brand names between the U.S.-based Gallup Organization and a coalition of research companies under the Swiss-based Gallup International Association.

The Gallup Organization is suing the Albanian group Mjaft, or Enough, which was active in the campaign for Albania's national elections July 3, as well as a Bulgarian firm that conducted and published opinion surveys in the Albanian press under the name Gallup International.

A spokesman for the American polling outfit alleged that the Albanian group was exploiting the Gallup name and "infringing on the trademark" for his firm.

Erion Veliaj , executive director of the Albanian group, which is partly funded by the U.S. government, said in an e-mail that it was "a leading watchdog and pressure group" that has worked to combat civic apathy and engage citizens in Albania's political debate. He said the group had approached several polling companies to commission pre-election surveys.

"We wanted to measure public sentiments, priorities and needs. Gallup Organization never replied to our inquiry," he wrote. "Gallup International . . . were the only ones fit for the job." He said the company had been previously hired in the region by the U.S. Agency for International Development, the United Nations, Amnesty International and other agencies.

Chris Stewart , the California-based global brand manager for the Gallup Organization, said his firm was approached at first but declined, telling Veliaj's group that its strict policy bars it from providing advocacy or special interest groups with surveys.

"We attempted to get an injunction in the court, but it was too slow. We are going to go ahead as soon as we can get a judge to pay attention," he said.

Veliaj said he learned of the dispute only through the Web.

"We consider this is an issue between the two companies to solve, not between companies and the poll clients," he said. "It seems like a youth movement in Albania makes for an easier prey than the multinational bodies."





Det Albanske Valgsystem

Parlamentet har 140 medlemmer. De 100 er valgt på kredsmandater, de 40 på proportionelle mandater.

De store partier har opstillet en kandidat i hver af kredsene; de små partier har i nogle tilfælde opstillet kandidater i kredsene, men satser på at få en andel af de proportionelle kandidater.

De proportionelle kandidater bruges til at »justere« med og til at tilgodese partier der ikke har fået et antal kredsmandater der svarer til partiets procentuelle vælgertilslutning på landsplan.

Hvis et parti allerede ved fordelingen af kredsmandater har fået et antal mandater der svarer til partiets procentuelle vælgertilsluting på landsplan, tildeles der ikke partiet mandater af den proportionelle pulje. (Har et parti opnået et kredsmandat, kan der selv sagt ikke røres ved dét).

Ved valget i 2001 fik Socialisterne deres mandater som kredsmandater, mens Demokraterne fik relativt mange proportionelle mandater.





Valgreglernes §§ 66-68:

Article 66

Election of Deputies in Single-Member Zones

1. The candidate who wins the largest number of valid votes of the voters who have taken part in the voting in a single-member zone is considered elected the deputy of that zone to the Assembly.

2. When two or more candidates win an equal number of votes, a drawing of lots is organized to decide the winning candidate. The drawing is organized by the CEC, in a public session with the participation of the candidates. The rules of the drawing are determined by the CEC.


Article 67

Allocation of Supplemental Mandates

Forty supplemental seats are allocated to political parties and coalitions of parties, in accordance with the results only of the voting conducted on election day and according to the following rules:

a) Parties that win less than 2.5 percent and coalitions that win less than 4 percent of the valid votes in the whole country do not benefit from supplemental seats. In order to establish the percentage of a coalition that submits a composed multi-name list, the total number of valid votes of the coalition is determined by summing up the votes obtained separately by each party or coalition in the proportional voting section of the ballot paper.

b) The number of valid votes won by each party or coalition meeting the respective threshold is divided by the sum of valid votes they have obtained in the whole country, and the result is multiplied by 140. Each of these parties or coalitions is allocated initially a general number of seats equal to the whole number obtained by the above-mentioned calculation. The remaining seats are allocated to the subjects with the largest remainders. In case the remainders for the last seat are equal, lots are drawn.

c) In order to determine the number of supplemental seats to be allocated to each party or coalition, the number of seats won in single-member zones is deducted from the number of seats allocated to each party or coalition according to letter (b) of this article. If the difference is negative or zero, the respective party or coalition keeps only the seats won in single-member zones.

ç) Notwithstanding letter (b), if:

i) independent candidates are elected in one or more single-member zones;

ii) parties or coalitions that do not meet the respective threshold win seats in one or more single-member zones; or

iii) parties or coalitions that meet the respective threshold win more seats in singlemember zones than they are entitled to on the basis of letter (b), then the following formula applies to the allocation of supplemental seats to parties or coalitions for which the difference according to letter (c) is positive: N = (A – B) [40/(40 + C)], where N is the number of supplemental seats gained by each party or coalition, A is the number of seats allocated to each party or coalition according to letter (b), B is the number of seats they won in single-member zones, and C is the total number of seats won according to points (i), (ii), and (iii) of this letter (in the case of point iii, only the excess is added). Each of these parties and coalitions is allocated initially as many seats as the whole number obtained by this calculation. The seats that remain are allocated to the subjects with the largest remainders, in descending order. In case the remainders for the last seat are equal, lots are drawn.

d) Deputies are elected from the multi-name lists of parties or party coalitions according to their respective order;

dh) If the number of candidates on a multi-name list of a political party or coalition is smaller than the number of seats to which that party or coalition is entitled according to this article, the unfilled seats are divided among the other parties and coalitions of parties that exceed the respective threshold in accordance with the following formula:

The number of valid votes won by each of the above parties or coalitions is divided by the total of the valid votes won by them, and the result is multiplied by the number of unfilled seats. A number of supplemental seats equal to the whole number that results from the above calculation is initially allocated to each of these parties or coalitions. The seats that remain are allocated to the parties or coalitions with the largest decimal remainders. If the decimal remainders for the last seat are equal, lots are drawn.


Article 68

Allocation of Supplemental Mandates to the Parties and Coalitions with Composed Multi-name List

After the calculation of the number of supplemental mandates that a coalition with composed multi-name lists obtains according to article 67 of this Code, the supplemental mandates for each member party of the coalition are allocated in the following manner:

a) The number of the valid votes won by each coalition member party is divided by the sum of the valid votes obtained on the national level by the parties and coalitions that reach the respective threshold and the result is multiplied by 140. The result is multiplied by the ratio of the number of seats obtained by the coalition according to the calculations prescribed in article 67, to the number of seats that the coalition could win according to the calculation prescribed in article 67 section 1, letter (b). Each of the parties participating in a coalition is initially allocated a general number of seats equal to the whole number obtained by the calculation above. The remaining seats, up to the number of seats won by the coalition, are allocated to the participating parties with the largest decimal remainders. In case the remainders for the last mandate are equal, lots are drawn;

b) In order to determine the number of supplemental seats obtained by each coalition party, the number of seats in single-member zone won by each of these parties is deducted from the number of seats allocated to the parties according to letter (a) of this article. If the difference is negative or zero, the respective party does not benefit from the allocation of supplemental mandates.

c) If coalition member parties win more seats in single-member zones than they are entitled to on the basis of letter (a), then the allocation of the supplemental seats to coalition member parties for which the difference according to letter (b) is positive, is made according to the following formula: N= (A-B) K/D; where: N is the number of supplemental seats that the party receives; A is the number of seats allocated to the party according to letter (a); B is the number of seats won by them in single-member zones; K is the number of the supplemental seats the coalition receives according to article 67; D is the sum of the positive differences calculated according to letter (b);

ç) Each of these parties is allocated initially a number of seats equal to the full number obtained through the above-mentioned calculation. The remaining seats, up to the completion of the number of seats allocated to the coalition during the allocation of the supplemental mandates, are allocated to these parties according to thelargest decimal remainders. In case the remainders for the last seat are equal, lots are drawn.





To stemmesedler [Uddrag af Valgreglerne, § 90]

1. For elections to the Assembly, a voter votes with two ballot papers of different colors: one for the candidates who are competing directly in the zone and the other for the political parties and coalitions that are competing in those elections. The ballot paper for political parties and coalitions is the same in its form and content for all electoral zones.





Domstolenes opgaver. Præsidentkontoret har 16.6.2005 udsendt flg.:

President Moisiu appeals to the courts to fulfill the legal obligations for registering of the voters.

The President of the Republic, Alfred Moisiu and the Head of the Supreme Justice Council, Alfred Moisiu chaired toady the SJC meeting of the turn.

In the opening speech, President Moisiu addressed the courts of the judicial circles regarding their role in the electoral process.

“The Electoral Code foresees only one legal obligation for the courts: the evaluation of the citizens’ requests for registration in the final voters lists. Now that the preparation, compilation and approval process of the voters’ lists has concluded, the citizens’ who do not find their names in the voters’ lists have the legal right to go in front of the courts and demand the inclusion in the list.” – stated President Moisiu.

The Head of State stated that all already knows the procedures. The citizens go to courts when they do not find their names published at the voting centers. The court examines and decides about the request of the citizens. The law enables the citizen to exercise this right up to twenty-four hours before the voting.

“In behalf of the Supreme Justice Council I call on the courts of judicial circles to fulfill this legal obligation with transparency, responsibility and professionalism. They must take all the necessary technical and administrative measures to facilitate the process and to help with quickness and correctness the examination and decision-making on the presented requests. The delaying and neglecting in fulfilling this legal duty must not be tolerated.” – stated President Moisiu who addressed the voting citizens to check whether they are registered in the final voters’ lists.

“If somebody does not find the name in these lists, I call on them to use their legal right to go to court. Alongside the constitutional rights, the citizens have also moral obligations and civil responsibility to fulfill their role in a democratic and civilized society through the active participation in voting.” – emphasized Mr. Moisiu.





Politiets opgaver




Politidirektør Bajram Ibraj i midten ved et møde i slutningen af juni 2005


Politiministeriet og Statspolitiet har udsendt flg.:

[1.7.2005] General Directorate of State Police will be transparent during all the electoral process

General Directorate of State Police, in the framework of the transparency with the community and the public, through the Press Releases or the Notifications done for the Media, will be very open and transparent, especially during the last day before the day of elections.

As it is specified in the Electoral Code, today is the last day of the electoral campaign and after that it begins the electoral silence, that’s why this has been the last day of the meetings and gatherings of the electoral subjects.

All the electoral meetings held by the political subjects, State Police has taken the necessary measures to guarantee public order and to ensure the normal development of these activities which are organized during all day long.

By an Order issued by the Minister of Public Order, beginning from 12.00 o’clock midday of July 1, 2005, all the central and local police structures will be in an ‘enforced service’ till to a second Order of the Minister.

The Services of State Police till 22.00 o’clock of July 1, 2005, rapport that

· The electoral activities of July 1, 2005 are held without causing problems for public security.

· The distribution of the electoral materials to the Local Electoral Commissions at the 12 Districts of the country is accompanied by the services of Patrolling Police and there have been no problems at all.

The electoral campaign which has started a month before the specification by the Electoral Code, has been a quiet campaign in connection with public order and public security, meanwhile the signed incidents during this electoral process were accompanied by quarrel, bad language between the electoral staff of the candidates of the parliamentary members.

About all the above mentioned cases, State Police has done its duty by verifying the incidents as well as the legal documentation of those persons about which there was represented or sent for denouncement, but there have been no cases where police employees were involved or implicated in these incidents. State Police has implemented with correctness the Law and only the Law.

Beginning from April 1, 2005 till July 1, 2005, there are held in total 2 787 electoral activities, where there are involved in service 16 251 police forces. For the same period of time there are evidenced from State Police 50 incidents and claims for incidents, which are assessed and examined by Police. Police has done all the actions in order to verify the legal documentation. About 30 incidents the materials are sent to the Prosecutor’s Office.

The Services of State Police which till now have implemented the Law will continue to be professional, having the right ethic, till the end of the electoral process of the year 2005.

We would like to inform that during the 2-nd and the 3-d of July, the communication with media will be a continuous communication not only at the General Directorate of State Police, but also at the 12 Police Directorates in the Districts.

General Directorate of State Police

-

[27.6.2005] State Police is fully committed to guarantee a quiet electoral campaign, a campaign without problems about public order and public security

General Directorate of State Police, for the implementation of the legal and functional obligations, it is fully committed with all its structures to guarantee a quiet electoral campaign, without problems for public order and public security.

As a result of this institutional commitment, since the beginning of this campaign up to now, it is not signed any important incident or any criminal event which would impinge the integrity of the elections.

In this context, the General Directorate of State Police demolishes the accusations done by different political forces, according to which there are being used the Special Forces or other police structures to intervene at the electoral process.

State Police has already entered in its road, without going back, toward its full impartiality and reform, a road which has only one important aim that means the full implementation of the law. This is our duty and our only commitment. Being convinced on this commitment, all the State Police employees, in all the levels, beginning from the higher-ranking role up to the most simple police employee are fully determined to continue in this way.

A the same time the structures of State Police are assessing with concern and seriousness the information that there are some incriminated persons or elements with police precedents, in some cases persons who come from abroad who are involved in the electoral campaign or in the closest personnel of some of the candidates for parliamentary members.

We demand from the political forces not to provoke the employees of State Police by their declarations. The State Police employees are not servants of politics, but they serve to the law and to the citizens of this country.

-

[21.6.2005] It is signed the Memorandum of Understanding with PAMECA for the personnel of PAMECA who will be involved during the elections of 3 of July 2005 in the Districts of Albania

Today, on 21 of June 2005, it is signed the Memorandum of Understanding between the General Directorate of State Police and Police Mission of PAMECA, taking into consideration and based on the Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of Republic of Albania and the European Community “On the statute of the Mission of Police Assistance of the European Community in Albania”.

On behalf of the General Directorate of State Police this Memorandum of Understanding was signed by the General Director of State Police, High Commissioner Bajram IBRAJ, and on behalf of PAMECA Mission it was signed by the Head of this Mission, Mr. Klaus SCHMIDT.

Based on the objectives of the Program of PAMECA Mission to assist State Police in improving the police professionalism and the police responsibility, as well as getting assistance from PAMECA Mission, through offering advice and orientations for police services in the framework of holding parliamentary elections of 3 July 2005, it was agreed:

To attach the personnel of PAMECA Police Mission at each Police Directorate in the Districts during the elections day;

The General Directorate of State Police will appoint a director at each Police Directorate who will work in close cooperation with the personnel of PAMECA Mission at each of 12 districts in the country on 3 of July;

The personnel of PAMECA Mission will be involved and will assist the Police Directorates in the Districts, where their duty is to give advice and to support State Police;

The personnel of PAMECA Mission will implement and be in full compliance with the regulations and norms established for State Police.

-

[21.6.2005] State Police has taken all the measures to guarantee public order and public security during the electoral process

Tirana, on 21, June 2005

State Police, for the implementation of its duties specified for the General Elections of 3 July 2005, has taken special measures in order to guarantee public order for the period before, during and after the finalization of this process.

The Implementation of the Action Plan “On the Structures of the Ministry of Public Order, aiming to provide normalization of the electoral process, July 2005”; the Plan of Measures “On organizing the State Police Services for the General Elections 2005”; the Program “On cooperation with media and police transparency in the framework of the electoral campaign”, organizing different training courses for the police personnel, involvement of the police services during the activities, all these testimony the measures taken by the Ministry of Public Order and by the General Directorate of State Police, in order to accomplish all the legal obligations in this electoral process.

For the period 1 April-19 June 2005, there are registered 1636 electoral activities organized all over the territory of the country. These activities are covered with police services where there are involved 8521 employees of State police. In the electoral activities organized till now, there are not evidenced problems in connection with public order, but there has been e concern in some cases when the local police was not informed on the proper time for the organizing of the electoral activities by the part of the organizers of these activities.

In the Law “On Gatherings” it is specified the obligation of the organizers or the leaders of the gathering to notify in a written form the Head of Police Commissariat about the hording of any gathering. The General Directorate of State Police requests from all the electoral subjects, participants in this electoral process, to implement the law and to inform the police about the electoral activities, so that to take the proper measures for the normal development of these activities as well as to prevent any incident or criminal event.

State Police has accomplished all its actions conform the law in those cases when there were evidenced incidents, police has documented the anti-legal activity of the responsible persons and these issues were sent to the Prosecutor’s Office.

Among the evidenced incidents from police, we can mention:

-After the denouncement made by the Chairman of the Municipal Unit No. 2 in Tirana, Perparim Bodinaku, that in the offices of this Unit, persons leaded by the candidate for parliamentary member Ylli Pango, have prohibited the work and have exercised psychological pressure over the employees of the Unit. The Police Directorate of Tirana District has done all the procedural acts and has started the penal procedure ”on disputing the police employee who is accomplishing a state duty or a public service”, and all the evidence was sent to the Prosecutor’s Office.

-On 5 June 2005, after the denouncement done to the police from the candidate for member of parliament Spartak Ngjela, by the part of the Police Directorate of Tirana District it is made possible the identification and the apprehension of the citizen Mikel Xhevdet Harizi, who results as the person who broke the glass at the Office of the Electoral Headquarter of this candidate at “Ali Demi” Street, and all the evidence was sent to the prosecutor’s office.

-On 15 June 2005, at 13.00 o’clock the services of Order Police at Police Commissariat No. 1 at the Police Directorate of Tirana District, during the patrolling at the road Tirana-Elbasan, near the bar “ Sofra e Ariut” it was noticed a citizen who was tearing some posters of a political candidate. After the warnings of the police employees, the citizen Geron Ibrahimi was accompanied from police and after consultation he was let free. All the evidence was sent to the Prosecutor’s Office.

-On 19 June 2005, at the Police Commissariat No. 4 at the Police Directorate of Tirana District there were presented and denounced the citizens Albert Ndreca and Besnik Ferro who were in conflict and were bitten with each-other for hanging some electoral posters. The quarrel between them happened near the Electoral Office of the Socialist Party and both persons are members of the Electoral Headquarters of the Democratic Party and of the Socialist Party. All the evidence was sent to Procesutor’s Office.

-On 18 June 2005, from the police staff of the Police Directorate of Shkodra District, it was taken the measure of arrest in flagrance against the citizen Gjergj Kel Daka, 35 years old, because being drunk he has insulted, offended and threatened the candidate for Member of Parliament of the Democratic Party, Valentin Palaj and his Electoral Headquarter, and he has also broke the glass of the front door of the Premises of Dajc Municipality. The Evidence was sent to the Prosecutor’s Office.

-On 18 June 2005, at the village of Hot i Ri, the member of parliament, the candidate Esmeralda Uruci held an electoral meeting at e school of this village were there were taken all the necessary measures from the local police and there didn’t happen any incident or problem, as it was pretended in an article of the newspaper “Gazeta 55” of the date 20 June 2005.

-On 18 June 2005 in Shijak, three persons tried to tear the posters of the candidate for member of parliament Sokol Olldashi and at the same time they tried to break the glass of the building were there were put these posters. Police Directorate of Durres District, right after taking the notification, made all the procedural acts and it is still continuing its work to make the full documentation of the activity of the offenders of this event.

State Police is committed to implement all its functional duties and obligations and it is not going to tolerate any person who breaks the law.

The General Directorate of State Police will continue to be open and transparent with the community, by reacting in continuation on any problem or situation that may be created.

General Directorate of State Police







Præsident Alfred Moisiu, juli 2005


Præsident Moisiu holder afsluttende formaningstale 1.7.2005

Dear co-citizens,

The day after tomorrow is July 3, the day of the parliamentary elections. There are winners and losers in every election, but on Sunday the fulfillment of the standards for the elections is more important that the result itself. By demonstrating the capability to hold truly free, fair and democratic elections we all win; Albania wins.

July 3 is our major challenge and opportunity to put an end to the long and difficult transition. We have lost plenty of time with contested electoral processes and social and political crisis. Now time has come to turn together a new page for the European Albania, for our families, for our common future.

Dear compatriots,

On July 3 you will become the most powerful people in Albania, because the right to decide is in your hand. During the last thirty days you have had the opportunity to listen to all the competing alternatives, to the promises of the candidates and to the parties’ platforms for the development of the country and the solution of your main problems. Now it is time to meditate and to reflect. On Sunday hours, I invite you to dedicate a few minutes to your greatest civil responsibility – participating in voting.

I invite you to use this constitutional right and to fulfill this civil responsibility to massively partake in the elections. I particularly invite those who vote for the very first time and those who feel disappointed by politics: participate in voting because this way you take part in decision making. Do not let the others to decide for you. Do not deny to yourselves this opportunity that democracy offers to you – through the free vote you can have an impact on the politics and on the solution of your main problems. Vote because only by doing so, you respect your convictions, you respect yourselves and pay a precious service to the future of your children, to the future of Albania.

Brothers and sisters,

Albania has been preparing for a long time for July 3. Free and fair elections are fundamental to the political stability and democracy, to the development of the country and its Euro-Atlantic integration. They are one more factor for Kosova in its path towards the final status.

For these reasons, July 3 must be seen as major test by all the constitutional institutions and the political factors involved in the process.

That is why:

· I demand from the Central Elections Commission, from the zonal commissions and those in the voting centers to act with full justice, transparency and capability in fulfilling their constitutional and legal obligations;

· I call on the central and local institutions, the State Police, Prosecutor Office, the Courts and Local Government to demonstrate maximal impartiality and correctness in the rigorous implementation of the requests of the law and Constitution;

· I invite the Media to help through its independence and responsibility in the increase of the transparency, calmness and climate of trust;

· I call on the political parties, their candidates and activists to respect to the end the Electoral Code and the Code of Conduct. The political parties must recognize the elections’ results. We are an ancient people with a European culture and nobility. Time has come to show this.

Dear co-citizens,

I invite you once again to massively participate in voting and to vote freely. The will of the electorate must be respected and the legitimacy of the new majority to govern must be recognized.

Each one of us must do his best for July 3 to be a calm and normal day and for the Sunday’s elections to be the way we all want them to be: a historic success for Albania and Albanians.

I am convinced that Albania has a secure future. God bless Albania!





Valget i kreds 18, Dibra




Qemal Minxhozi (tv for Fatos Nano) er opstillet i kreds 18.
Interview med Qemal Minxhozi: http://home7.inet.tele.dk/bjoerna/254b.htm.
Omtale i »Koha Jone« efter valget.











OSCE/ODIHR: Election observation mission




Jørgen Grunnet på forsiden af »Gazeta Shqiptare«, juni 2005


Following an invitation from the Albanian Government, the OSCE/ODIHR has deployed an Election Observation Mission to observe the 3 July 2005 parliamentary elections in Albania.




[Klik på diagrammet for at forstørre det]


The ODIHR conducted a Needs Assessment Mission (NAM) from 12 to 16 April 2005 in order to assess the conditions and preparations for the elections and to advise on the format and modalities of an ODIHR election observation mission. The NAM recommended that a standard EOM be deployed in early May 2005.

Long-term observation

From early May until mid July, the Mission, headed by Mr. Jørgen Grunnet (Denmark), will include 14 international staff based at the Tirana head office and 25 long-term observers deployed in the regions. Core-team members and long-term observers are drawn from 19 OSCE participating States.

The Mission will assess the entire election process in terms of its compliance with international standards for democratic elections and national legislation, focusing on the election campaign, the legislative framework and its implementation, the media situation, the work of the election administration and relevant government bodies, and the resolution of election-related disputes.

Short-term observation

Shortly before the 3 July polling, the OSCE/ODIHR wishes to deploy 400 short-term observers from the OSCE participating States across Albania in teams of two to monitor the opening of polling stations, the voting, the counting of ballots, and the tabulation of results at all levels.

Shortly after election day, the Mission will hold a press conference in Tirana and issue a statement of preliminary findings and conclusions on the elections. The OSCE/ODIHR will remain in Albania and observe the electoral process until its completion.

Previous elections

The ODIHR has observed a number of elections in Albania, including the 2001 parliamentary elections and the 2003 local elections.



Internationale obervationer i første halvdel af juni.

OSCE / ODIHR resumerer:

• The Central Election Commission (CEC) has registered 27 electoral contestants to compete for the 40 mandates to be distributed to election lists, and ZECs have registered over 1,230 candidates to compete for single mandates in the 100 election zones.

• The CEC continues to conduct its meetings collegially and transparently. All 100 Zone Election Commissions (ZEC) are functioning and their composition has stabilised. Nevertheless, some significant administrative, financial and logistical challenges remain.

• It is crucial that the modalities for monitoring the printing of ballot papers ensure maximum transparency while safeguarding the security of this important process. The integrity of the printing is under the responsibility of the CEC, and granting the possibility for contestants to effectively monitor the entire process should enhance its credibility.

• Some parties have adopted election strategies to exploit shortcomings in the election system. Potentially, these strategies lessen the reliability of the election system to allocate mandates consistently with the constitutional principle of maximum proportionality, blur political identity and reduce the transparency of the process.

• The Socialist Party (SP) and the Democratic Party (DP), among others, have alleged that the voter lists are being manipulated for electoral gain. Controversies concerning the omission of students from voter lists remain. Any obstacle leading to possible disenfranchisement of students is obviously to be avoided. Furthermore, the high number of entries in the voter list (some 18%) where the residence of voters could not be verified (‘999 entries’ on the voter list), is a matter of concern.

• The current issuance of significant numbers of birth certificates, which can be used as identification document by voters on election day, raises increasing concerns that these could facilitate multiple voting. Such concerns are more frequent in locations with a high number of voters with '999 entries' on the voter list.

• The OSCE/ODIHR EOM’s media monitoring data shows that, compared to other parties, the DP and the SP have received more airtime in news content than their legal entitlement.

• The ‘tone’ of the campaign has become noticeably more rancorous. The EOM has begun to receive an increasing number of allegations that campaign provisions are being violated. Of greatest concern are allegations that public employees and students are being placed under duress to vote for specific candidates; many allegations of vote buying, and misuse of State resources and personnel during the campaign, have also been reported.

• The Electoral College overturned five CEC decisions rejecting party lists. The law does not set out procedures for the CEC to verify registration documents and the CEC did not regulate the issue. Inconsistencies thus appeared in decisions to accept or reject party lists.





OSCE/ODIHR Udtalelse 4.7.2005: The conduct of the poll showed only limited progress over previous elections.

TIRANA, 4 July 2005 - The parliamentary elections in Albania on 3 July complied only partially with international commitments and standards for democratic elections.

The elections were competitive and voters were provided with a diversity of information. While the Central Election Commission has so far administered the elections professionally, state and local authorities and major political parties have yet to demonstrate political will that corresponds with their responsibilities for the electoral process.

These are the preliminary conclusions of the International Election Observation Mission (IEOM) for the parliamentary elections in Albania on 3 July.

Some 410 observers from 36 countries observed the elections for the four organizations represented in the mission.

"Overcrowding, delays and uncertainty regarding identification of voters gave an impression of disorganization, but so far few allegations of serious irregularies have been substantiated," said Jorgen Grunnet, Head of the Election Observation Mission of the OSCE's Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR).

Doris Pack, MP, who headed the delegation from the European Parliament, said: "The election system remains open to abuse. Intentionally inaccurate voter lists have left voters disillusioned."

Senator Jerzy Smoravinski, Head of Delegation of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, added: "The delay in launching the electoral reforms to address the shortcomings from previous elections affected negatively the preparation and conduct of these elections. The authorites and political parties should continue the reforms without delay, in order to redress the remaining shortcomings noted by the IEOM."

Ambassador Andreas Nothelle, who co-ordinated the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly's Delegation, said: "The Albanian voters and the local voting commissions were obviously dedicated to making use of their rights and having free and fair elections. With that they showed more democratic maturity than some of their political leaders, who should understand that reciprocal allegations aimed at influencing international observers create distrust, detrimental to the development of a democratic society."

Election day was generally peaceful but a few violent incidents, one fatal, cast a shadow over the process.

The conduct of the poll showed only limited progress over previous elections. In many cases observers noted incorrect procedures, particularly with regard to the use of ink to prevent multiple voting, the secrecy of the vote and the checking of voters' identities.

While some voters were turned away from polling stations because their names did not appear on voter lists, this affected relatively few voters. A few polling stations could not open on time since they did not receive voter lists.

The OSCE/ODIHR will remain in Albania to continue the observation until the completion of the election process, vote count and hearing and ruling on complaints.


Se: BBC's reportage på: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/4645643.stm.





Tirana, 4 July 2005 – Following an invitation by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Albania, the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (OSCE/ODIHR) deployed an Election Observation Mission (EOM) in Albania on 18 May 2005. For observation of election day procedures, the OSCE/ODIHR EOM joined efforts with the observers of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly (OSCE PA), the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) and the European Parliament (EP). They assessed compliance of the electoral process with domestic legislation, OSCE Commitments, Council of Europe commitments, and other international standards for democratic elections.

This statement of preliminary findings and conclusions is delivered prior to the completion of the vote count in all 100 counting centres, the expiry of legal deadlines for hearing possible appeals in regard to voting, counting and tabulation of results, and instalment in office of elected officials. A conclusive assessment of the entire election will depend, in part, on the conduct of these remaining phases of the process.

The OSCE/ODIHR EOM will remain in Albania to continue the observation and may issue additional public commentary, as necessary. The OSCE/ODIHR will publish a Final Report, including a comprehensive analysis of all observers’ findings and subsequent recommendations, approximately six weeks after completion of the process.



Preliminary Conclusions

The conduct of the 3 July 2005 parliamentary elections, during the pre-election period, voting, and counting so far, complied only partially with OSCE Commitments, Council of Europe commitments, and other international standards for democratic elections. While these were overall competitive elections and media generally provided voters with a diversity of electoral information, major political parties have yet to demonstrate political will and responsibility to a measure commensurate with the broad authority granted to them on the electoral process.

The continued inaction of the Albanian authorities in introducing a uniform system of addresses of buildings and new personal identification documents across the country diminished the significance of efforts undertaken to improve the voter lists. These issues are of fundamental importance and their resolution requires immediate and unconditional commitment.

A lack of trust between political parties led to delays in reaching agreement on the electoral framework and negatively affected the preparations and conduct of the elections. In view of future elections, further improvements to the electoral framework would require urgent attention and more inclusive efforts.

The provisions of the election code detailing the election system do not guarantee the accomplishment of the constitutional objective to achieve proportionality “to the closest possible extent” between the votes received by party lists and the overall composition of the Parliament. This system allowed many contestants to adopt electoral strategies which challenged the limits of the law and blurred distinctions between political parties. After the experience of the 2001 legislative elections, the 2005 election process confirms that the current election system will remain prone to abuse until it is reformed.


The following positive developments characterised the election process to date:

  • A wide spectrum of parties and candidates were registered, largely without impediments, to contest the elections and offered voters a diversity of choices;
  • Parties were active in conducting their election campaigns and pledged to adhere to a Code of Conduct, which was instrumental in setting campaign standards;
  • Media coverage of the official campaign period was overall sufficient and politically balanced to enable most parties, across the political spectrum, to convey their messages;
  • Amendments to the election legislation adopted by a large majority in Parliament presented a number of improvements;
  • For the most part, the CEC administered the process transparently, professionally and in line with the provisions of the Electoral Code;
  • A considerable and relatively successful, if late, effort by the state and local government authorities introduced a new framework for voter registration providing clarity in the division of responsibilities of the bodies involved, which in many election zones, resulted in improved accuracy of voter lists;
  • The Electoral College fulfilled its obligation to adjudicate pre-election complaints against CEC decisions fairly and impartially;
  • While more consideration was given to issues related to national minorities by a number of contestants, further efforts are needed to improve voter registration of minority populations, especially among the Roma community.

  • However, a number of issues remain to be addressed, including the following:

  • While major political parties enjoy overwhelming authority on the administration of the election, they are yet to deliver a corresponding measure of responsibility;

  • A significant number of allegations, some of which substantiated, of interference with citizens’ right to freedom of expression and to engage into political activities, including cases of civil servants being put under pressure to support or to refrain from supporting a particular candidate or party;

  • Administrative decisions of the mayor of one borough of Tirana and of university officials that amounted to possible disenfranchisement of a considerable number of students, in their place of study.

  • No improvement to the participation and representation of women in public affairs;

  • There is a high number of voters who could not be located during the verification process (so called ‘999’ entries on voter lists). Linked to problems in voters identification on election day, in particular related to the issuance and use of birth certificates, these fuelled fears of possible abuses, such as impersonation of voters with an incomplete numerical address;

  • While a significant number of multiple records on voter lists were cleaned up by the responsible institutions within a short timeframe, further effort is needed to address remaining multiple records, in particular across boundaries of local government units, as well as spelling in voters names.

  • The conduct of the poll on election day showed only limited progress over previous elections. In many cases, VCCs did not have sufficient regard for correct procedures, particularly regarding the use of ink to prevent multiple voting, the secrecy of the vote and the checking of voters’ identity. While some voters were turned away from polling stations because their names did not appear on voter lists, this occurred far less frequently than during earlier elections. While polling was conducted in a generally peaceful atmosphere, a few violent incidents, including one fatal, marred the process.



    Preliminary Findings


    Background

    The 3 July 2005 parliamentary elections were the sixth to be held since the establishment of a multi-party system in Albania in 1991. In 2001, the Socialist Party (SP), led by Prime Minister Fatos Nano, received a majority of seats. Together with MPs from four other parties: the Social Democratic Party (SDP), the Human Rights Union Party (HRUP), the Democratic Alliance Party (DAP) and the Agrarian Party (AP) and members of parliament elected as independent candidates, the SP formed a government coalition. The opposition comprised the Democratic Party (DP) led by Dr. Sali Berisha, and five other parties.

    All major political parties contested the 2005 election either in coalition or separately. These included the abovementioned parties and a new party, the Socialist Movement for Integration (SMI), led by former Prime Minister Ilir Meta, who together with eight other SP-elected deputies split from the ruling party in 2004. From 2004, the Legality Movement Party allied itself with the Renewed Democratic Party.

    Since 1991, rivalry between the two largest parties, the SP and the DP, has been intense and antagonistic. During and after previous elections, some parties, in particular those in opposition expressed their lack of confidence in the integrity of the electoral process. The last two elections were protracted, marred with uncertainties and parts of the elections had to be repeated because of irregularities.


    Election System

    The Constitution establishes the following principles of the election system:

    • A fixed number of parliamentary mandates (140), with 100 deputies (71%) elected in single mandate zones and 40 (29%) elected from party or coalition lists;

    • That “the total number of deputies of a party […] shall be, to the closest possible extent, proportional to valid votes won by them on the national scale […]” ; and,

    • That parties must obtain at least 2.5% of valid votes and coalitions must obtain at least 4% of valid votes, to participate in the allocation of the 40 ‘supplementary’ mandates.

    In 2003, the Parliament adopted the Electoral Code, which further elaborated a complicated election system. Article 67 of the Electoral Code attempts to respect Article 64.2 of the Constitution and provides that the 40 supplemental mandates be allocated such that parties’ shares of the total number of deputies (140) would approximate ‘to the closest possible extent’ the percentage of the vote received by their electoral lists.

    However, the Electoral Code fails to guarantee the enforcement of the constitutional provisions which set forth an objective of proportionality in the Parliament’s composition. Based on the right of voters to have two separate electoral choices, parties can circumvent the provisions designed to realise the constitutional objective of proportionality through developing strategies calling upon voters to split their two votes between formally or informally allied parties. These strategies have the potential to decrease the possible degree of proportionality and could result in fewer mandates being awarded to parties which are not involved in strategies. While such strategies might be within the law, they blur political identities and lessen transparency. Despite the fact that in the 2001 elections, attempts to manipulate the election system had already occurred, the legal provisions on allocating the supplemental mandates remained largely unchanged.

    Both the experience of the 2001 and of the 2005 election process tend to show that the electoral system that is currently in force will remain prone to abuse until it is reformed.


    Legal Framework

    The Electoral Code was adopted in June 2003. Notwithstanding the serious shortcoming noted above and outstanding concerns raised by the Venice Commission of the Council of Europe and the OSCE/ODIHR in their Joint Recommendations of 2004, the legislation can provide an adequate basis for a democratic election if there is a willingness from public authorities and political parties to implement the provisions of the Electoral Code in good faith.

    The Electoral Code was amended on three separate occasions in 2004 and 2005. These amendments, most of which addressed some of the Joint Recommendations, brought about several changes, in particular concerning the election administration, the compilation of voter lists, the criteria for establishing electoral zones, counting proceedings, and proceedings for complaints and appeals. These changes were largely devised through a bi partisan process.

    However, shortcomings remain, at times in conflict with international standards. The Code fails to ensure transparency and certainty in the allocation of mandates to party lists. In the 2005 elections, some parties submitted to the CEC internal party agreements on re-ordering mandate recipients according to criteria stipulated by the parties1. In addition, some provisions in the Code discriminate against “smaller” political parties. This is particularly true in the area of paid political advertisements in the private electronic media, where the Code grants ‘larger’ parties the right to purchase “double the amount of airtime” of ‘smaller’ parties.

    Additionally, legislation was passed at the end of 2004 establishing new boundaries for the 100 election zones. The new electoral zones, which were the result of a political agreement between the SP and DP, are set out in a separate law adopted and enacted in March 2005. While the solution reached is an improvement over the previous boundaries, it does not fully meet the requirements of the law in a number of zones.


    Election Administration

    Parliamentary elections are administered by a three-tiered election administration: the Central Election Commission (CEC), 100 Zone Election Commissions (ZECs), and some 4,764 Voting Center Commissions (VCCs). Following an agreement reached in October 2004, the ‘political balance’ of the CEC was altered with the parliamentary majority ‘surrendering’ one of its five seats to the opposition. The CEC appointed seven members to each ZEC, based on nominations from six designated political parties; three from each side of the political spectrum. The SP and the DP nominated ZEC chairpersons on a parity basis. VCCs and counting teams were appointed with a composition identical to ZECs. Through their nomination of members to election administration bodies at all levels, political parties exerted considerable influence over the electoral process. Political parties are in effect almost wholly responsible for the functioning of the electoral administration.

    The CEC held meetings as often as twice per day. Prior to election day, it took over 1,000 decisions and adopted some 20 instructions. These appeared to adhere to professional standards and were generally in line with the Electoral Code. CEC sessions were, for the most part, conducted professionally, collegially and transparently. Representatives of the parties were in attendance and their proposals were given a fair hearing. The OSCE/ODIHR EOM did not observe any political bias for or against any election stakeholder in the decision making process. However, at times discussions were protracted and important decisions sometimes delayed. Nevertheless, these factors did not have a significantly adverse effect on the CEC’s electoral preparations. The CEC faced several logistical and administrative challenges in organizing these elections. Its task was complicated by a lack of full co-operation from some local government authorities and the CEC had to fine several mayors who missed deadlines for submitting important information.

    To certify the final election results, to invalidate the elections or to take decisions on complaints against ZEC decisions regarding election results, the CEC requires a decision by five of its seven members. Hence the possibility exists that the CEC might be unable to adopt the election results. A final assessment on the CEC’s administration of the elections will only be possible after the tabulation and announcement of results and the adjudication of election day and any postelection complaints and appeals.

    By law, all ZECs should have been appointed by 3 March 2005, but since the zone boundaries were not finalized until that date, the CEC decided to postpone the first ZEC meetings until 16 May, to give parties time to nominate members. Nonetheless, several political parties, in particular those in opposition, did not nominate all members by this date. Consequently only 63 ZECs were fully composed on time. Initially, parties also made extensive use of the right to replace members. This lessened the stability in ZEC’s composition. The CEC conducted training for ZECs and prepared training materials for VCCs and counting teams.

    At least half of the ZEC chairs had served on a ZEC during a previous election. While this experience may have helped in the administration of the elections, a significant minority of ZECs lacked adequate material resources and the majority reported that they had not received operating funds in time. The appointment of VCCs constituted a major challenge for ZECs and some experienced difficulty in finalizing appointment on time. Some political parties asserted they delayed their nominations for fear that these VCC members could be bribed. This complicated the training of some VCCs.


    Voter Lists

    The legislation covering the voter registration process was reformed in several steps between October 2004 and January 2005. Responsibility for the compilation and maintenance of voter lists was transferred from the CEC to local government authorities, and lists were drawn from civil registers. A door-to-door verification exercise was first conducted with the aim of updating civil registries and assigning citizens a ten-digit ‘numerical address’. This new system was a welcome development, but the time and resources available to Municipalities to compile and computerise voter lists were scarce. Furthermore, spelling mistakes in voters’ names were frequently identified.

    A state-wide voter registration database was created based on municipal voter registers and managed by the Ministry of Local Government and Decentralisation (MLGD), which has a responsibility to identify specific problems, in particular possible multiple records and inform local governments about them with a view for the latter to take remedial action.

    Notwithstanding a number of shortcomings, a significant and largely successful effort was made to improve the accuracy of voter lists. On the final voter lists, some 2.85 million citizens were registered as voters. Yet, there remained some 470.000 entries on the final voter lists without a complete numerical address (so called ‘999 entries’). These entries correspond to persons who could not be contacted during the verification process. The problem was particularly noted in urban areas. An unknown number of these persons may have migrated within Albania or abroad.

    By law, preliminary voter lists should have been publicly displayed from 1 April until 3 May. The MLGD extended the 3 May deadline twice, thereby increasing the time available to the public to check lists and request their inclusion, if omitted. A large-scale public information campaign was conducted to inform citizens of their rights and duties regarding voter registration. After 8 June, when voter lists were finalised, omitted persons could only vote by obtaining a decision from a district court.

    The MLGD identified approximately 200,000 possible multiple entries on the preliminary voter lists, corresponding to some 100,000 registered citizens. By 8 June, the entries for over 80,000 citizens had been resolved such that these citizens were registered only once. Political parties were given the opportunity to analyse the final voter list. The DP provided the EOM with lists of remaining multiple records two days before polling day.

    The voter lists remained a contentious issue during the pre-election period. The large majority of OSCE/ODIHR EOM observers reported positively on the accuracy of the lists, notwithstanding concerns over: the high number of ‘999’ entries; an inconsistent approach to allocating these entries to polling stations by local government units; the failure to meet legal deadlines on displaying the final voter lists, a delay in forwarding the complete voter registration data to political parties and almost 16% of voting centres which have in excess of 1,000 registered voters – the legal maximum. Observers reported that few voters checked their entries on the final voter lists, and even less sought a court decision to enable inclusion on election day.

    Significant problems with voter lists were noted in some 17 zones, including zones 5 and 6 (Shkodra), 25 and 28 (Durres). In zone 33 (Tirana) a high number of petitions for addition in the lists from citizens eligible to vote were not acted upon. In addition, in the same zone, as well as in zone 38 (Tirana) serious concerns exist over the possible disenfranchisement of students. This fuelled allegations that voter lists in zones 33 and 38 were being politically manipulated. Administrative decisions presenting obstacles to effective enfranchisement of eligible voters are incompatible with a democratic process.

    In the later stage of the pre electoral period, a controversy arose over the use of birth certificates2 as identification documents in voting centres, in the context of a continued absence of new identity documents for internal use and of a uniform address system. Usually, birth certificates are easily obtained. However, observers reported that, as a matter of practice, most local governments kept no records on certificates issued. This fact, combined with the alleged theft of a significant number of blank certificates and the alleged illegal printing and distribution of even larger number of such forms, raised concerns among stakeholders, that certificates would be misused to exploit shortcomings in the voter lists. However, the consistent use of ink, applied to voters’ fingers had the potential to lessen possible multiple voting. Yet, it does not address possible problems of impersonation of voters with an incomplete numerical address.


    Party and Candidate Registration

    Non-parliamentary parties were required to submit 7,000 signatures to register their party list. Seventeen non-parliamentary parties submitted lists. However, while the law grants the CEC insufficient time to verify the signature lists, the CEC’s approach to the registration of parties was not consistent. This was partly because the Electoral Code does not adequately regulate the issue and partly because the CEC did not adopt a decision outlining its approach. The CEC rejected 13 party lists, registering the other four. In the case of the Green League, the CEC accepted notarised statements that citizens had signed on behalf of other family members, although such a practice is not foreseen in the Electoral Code. Five parties were successful in appealing against the CEC’s decision to reject their lists.

    Parliamentary parties and their candidates in election zones are not requited to submit signatures. The lists of 17 parliamentary parties were registered by the CEC. These included the National Front Party and the National Security Party, each of which submitted a declaration by an incumbent MP that he was a member of that party. However, both MPs ran for other parties in the elections and documentation sent by the Assembly to the CEC on various other issues listed neither party as having a representative in the parliament.

    The CEC registered 27 electoral lists. 18 parties were running separately, two coalitions with joint lists were formed, including the Movement for National Development – Leka Zog (MND) and a seven-party coalition ‘The Alliance for Justice, Freedom and Welfare’ (AJFW) whose constituents will appear separately on the ballot. Many parties have decided not to affix on their lists, before the elections, the order in which they would distribute the supplemental mandates they might possible win. These would be distributed according to formulas taking into account the electoral performances of the list in the zones.

    Over 1,200 candidates will compete in the 100 single mandate election zones. The CEC upheld seven of sixteen appeals against ZEC decisions to reject candidates. Candidates are drawn from 31 parties. In addition,11 independent candidates will contest the single-mandate contests. Notably, the parties in the AJFW coalition have not nominated any candidates under their own banner.

    The ruling Socialist Party (SP) registered its candidates and party list separately from its allies in the parliamentary majority. These five parties are also contesting the election as separate election subjects at constituency and national level. No formal coalition agreement between the ruling parties was adopted. Repeatedly, in the course of the EOM, the SP has stated that they would not use strategies to influence the allocation of supplementary mandates in favour of their political allies. However, the SP also informed the EOM that it did not exclude the possibility that political agreements could be concluded at the local level. EOM observers reported repeated calls in a number of areas from SP allied parties to vote for SP majority candidates in the zone.3 Similar calls were observed on broadcast media.

    The DP concluded written agreements with the seven parties in the AJFW coalition, whereby the DP and these parties registered a single candidate in each zone in the name of the DP. Thus, formally, the DP had 100 candidates in the single mandate zones, as required by law. However, at the invitation of the DP, fifteen of these candidates were de facto nominated by the DP’s allies. The DP and the AJFW both registered separate lists and encouraged their supporters to vote for the AJFW lists, rather than the DP one. It is noteworthy that the list of the Republican Party, a AJFW member, contains the names of 30 DP members, including MPs elected as candidates for the DP in the outgoing Parliament.

    It is of concern that the abovementioned strategies appear to exploit shortcomings in the Electoral Code to maximise the number of supplemental mandates for both SP and DP allies, may misrepresent candidates’ political affiliation and thereby mislead voters. Such strategies could lessen voter’s confidence in the ability of the election system to translate their electoral choices into mandates according to the principles foreseen in the Constitution.


    Gender

    Equal rights for men and women are guaranteed in the Albanian Constitution. Nevertheless, in Albania women are significantly under-represented in public life. Moreover, the representation of women and their participation in the electoral process has not improved over time. No significant initiatives have been undertaken to increase the number of women appointed and elected to decision-making positions. Of the 38 parties contesting the elections, the leader of only one, the Albanian Green League, is a woman. In the outgoing parliament, only 6.4% of MPs are women, significantly fewer than 1991 when the corresponding figure was 20.5%.

    The party statutes of the two main parties include gender quotas for female candidates; 25 % in the DP and 20% in the SP. Nevertheless, both parties implemented the clauses in a manner that is unlikely to result in the election of more women MPs. In the single mandate election zones, the SP nominated eight women while the DP nominated only three. The two parties nominated women on their party lists in higher numbers, but their political strategies i.e. urging party supporters to cast their votes not for their own list, but for those of their political allies, might have lessened the electoral opportunity for their own candidates. Therefore, the 2005 elections may be another missed opportunity to increase in the numbers of women participating at the highest levels of public life.

    It is of serious concern that the gender imbalance is also apparent at the mid-level of public administration. Six political parties have the legal right to nominate members to the ZECs and VCCs, yet only four of the 100 chairpersons of zone election commissions are women and only about 16% of VCC chairpersons are women.


    Participation of National Minorities

    The 2001 census did not include questions relating to respondents’ ethnicity. Hence there is an absence of reliable current official data on national minorities. Nevertheless, Greek-speaking communities reside in some areas of the south of Albania and Roma and Egyptian communities are resident in cities and villages across Albania. Other minorities include Aromanians (Vlachs), Macedonians and Serbs/Montenegrins, with the latter two minorities mostly living in concentrated settlements in specific communes.

    In 2004, the government approved the establishment of a Special State Committee for Minorities, tasked to make recommendations on the promotion of the rights of some minorities. The position of some minorities has improved, partly through their own initiatives to create or develop political associations and their advocacy efforts. Nevertheless, obstacles remain to the full participation by Roma and Egyptian minorities in the election process and there has been little progress concerning their registration as voters. Observers received credible allegations that attempts were made to influence their electoral choices in certain communes, these allegations referred to pressure, vote buying and bribery.

    Traditionally, the HRUP has sought the political support of minority populations. In 2005, the party fielded a high number of candidates from minority populations, although the large majority were from the Greek minority. In its election campaign, the HRUP devoted little attention to minority issues. The Movement for Human Rights and Freedom was the only party whose platform included calls for the enactment of minority rights. The EOM noted that the DP commented on the social problems faced by Roma and Egyptian populations during their campaign. However, in general, the media devoted little attention to the participation of minorities in the election. In some election zones, campaign material in Greek and Macedonian languages was seen by observers. While the CEC placed some public information advertisements in minority languages in the local media (Greek, Macedonian and Serbian), electoral material, including ballot papers were printed solely in Albanian.


    Campaign and Pre-Election Environment

    In general, the campaign was highly visible and a large number of campaign events took place. While the campaign of the SP and DP were the most intense, the SMI was also active. The campaigns of the HRUP, the MND and the RP appeared to be concentrated in specific election zones. Observers reported that, in general, the campaigns of the AFJW and the smaller left-wing parties in the ruling coalition were less active and had a lower profile. On occasions, the AFJW and the DP held joint campaign events, as did SP candidates with candidates from parties in the ruling coalition. The parties reported that candidates conducted door-to-door canvassing. A number of debates were held between candidates in the media. Overall, the campaign provided the electorate with a large volume of political information.

    Prior to the start of the official campaign, sixteen political parties agreed to sign a Code of Conduct initiated by the President of Albania, Mr. Alfred Moisiu. The signatories largely conformed to the Code of Conduct. At times the tone of the campaign was rancorous. However, compared to previous elections candidates and parties devoted more time to promoting their own political platforms than in previous election processes. Nevertheless, many of the paid advertisements in the media, particularly from the larger parliamentary parties contained direct attacks on their rivals and a high degree of ‘negative campaigning’. Although less widespread than previous elections, acts of violence marred the campaign.4

    While the rights to free speech, association and peaceful assembly were generally respected, observers received many allegations and reports of serious shortcomings during the campaign period, some of which challenged theses rights. The most noteworthy include:

    • Numerous allegations that some public employees, in particular at local level, were being pressured to attend campaign events, support a specific candidate or party or to refrain from supporting a candidate or party.5

    • Allegations were made that students were being pressured to support university officials running as candidates in Tirana and Korça. In addition, credible reports were received that school children were brought to campaign rallies by their teachers6.

    • In some 12 election zones, observers received allegations, some of which credible, that the police had intimidated citizens over their electoral choices or political activity, or did not respond to violations of campaign regulations or attempts to intimidate electors7.

    • In almost a quarter of all election zones, observers received allegations that citizens received, or were offered, gifts or money to support a particular candidate;

    • Observers received allegations that state resources were being misused to benefit a party’s campaign in almost half of the election zones and that public service personnel were supporting candidates’ campaigns;8 and,

    • The demolition ordered by local authorities of buildings, allegedly illegal, including an SMI office in Tirana and a house belonging to the DP Mayor of Saranda before the owners/occupants had an opportunity to present their cases for appeal in the district court, were very disturbing.

    It is noteworthy that the large majority of the allegations claimed that the violations were conducted to favour the SP. While it was not possible for observers to verify the accuracy of all the allegations, observers found many to be credible and some were verified as accurate. Such violations would be contrary to paragraph 7.7 of the OSCE Copenhagen Document.


    Media

    The Electoral Code regulates the media’s coverage of political issues during the 30-day official campaign period. Free airtime is provided in the public media. Private and public media are required to cover parties’ campaigns according to their relative strength in the outgoing parliament. During the official campaign, the electronic media are monitored by a Media Monitoring Board (MMB), which reports to the CEC. Despite some methodological and procedural shortcomings, it generally carried out its mandate successfully. However, official ‘local-level’ media monitoring operations were in general less effective and many were not established on time.

    The OSCE/ODIHR EOM analysed the content of the main electronic and printed media from 18 May to 2 June (prior to the commencement of the official campaign period) and from 3 June to 3 July.9 During the first phase, TVSH, which is financed largely from the State budget, gave favourable coverage to the government during its news coverage. Before the commencement of the official campaign period, the main news broadcasts of all the electronic media monitored by the OSCE/ODIHR EOM gave the government, the SP and the DP approximately 65% of time devoted to political issues.

    After the start of the official campaign period, TVSH’s news coverage of the SP and DP was more balanced. The DP received 19% of airtime devoted to political subjects while the SP received 16% (including coverage of Government officials engaged in campaign activities). The SP and DP also received generally equal airtime in the news broadcasts of the private channels monitored by the OSCE/ODIHR EOM10. However, all these media gave a disproportionately high amount of airtime to the ‘big-two’ parliamentary parties compared to the ‘smaller’ parliamentary parties. Thus, they did not comply with legal provisions, which require that the total amount of time allocated to each ‘large’ parliamentary party should be “double the amount of airtime” allocated to each of the ‘smaller’ parliamentary parties. Monitors also noted inequalities among the small parties. Some received considerably less coverage than others. More positively, monitors found that, in general, the media reported on the parties in a politically neutral manner during news broadcasts.

    The private electronic media frequently aired debates between candidates, thereby enhancing the type and amount of information available to voters. Nevertheless, these programs tended to provide a forum for four political parties (SP, DP, and to a lesser extent SMI and MND). A number of local TV stations also aired candidates forums. The SP placed the largest number of paid advertisements in the monitored media, although the DP and SMI also placed advertisements in high numbers. The EOM is not aware of any allegations that parties were offered favourable terms compared to rival parties. During paid slots, parties tended to present their rivals in negative terms rather than promote their own merits. Overall, the print media offered a diverse range of views, although some newspapers displayed clearly partisan editorial policies. In the print media as a whole, the contest between the SP and the DP was predominant.


    Resolution of Election Disputes

    The Electoral College of the Court of Appeals of Tirana rules on complaints against decisions of the CEC. The Electoral College, consists of eight judges selected at random from a pool of eligible judges. It decides cases in panels composed of five judges. The panels are also chosen by lottery. Thirty-four appeals against CEC decisions were filed with the Electoral College. The Electoral College upheld 19 CEC decisions, overturned 9 decisions and returned 2 to the CEC for additional consideration. Five successful appeals concerned CEC decisions not to register parties’ multi-name candidate list. Three successful appeals related to the registration of independent candidates in the single member electoral constituencies. One successful appeal related to a CEC decision.

    Observers attended most cases heard by the Electoral College. No political bias was apparent during the hearings or in rulings. All parties were given a fair opportunity to present their claims and in several cases were granted postponements in order to secure relevant evidence. In general, prior to the election, the Court fulfilled its obligation to adjudicate fairly and impartially. However, it may be called upon to make rulings regarding election day and to adjudicate appeals regarding CEC decisions on election results. The EOM will observe these cases paying close attention to how the College fulfils its obligation under Article 174/1 of the Electoral Code to provide reasoned written decisions.

    The decision by the Mayor in Borough 2, not to register to vote 1,422 students at Universities in Tirana deserves a special mention. As a result, these students were not given an opportunity to vote in Tirana, although this was their legal right. As university officials decided to hold exams in Tirana on election day, students were in effect disenfranchised. Five of the students appealed the Mayor’s decision to the District Court of Tirana. Subsequently the DP filed a request to the CEC to impose sanctions on the Mayor. On 9 June, the Court ruled in favour of the students. However, it only ordered the registration of the five students who had lodged the appeal. Even these persons were not included in the voter lists because the final voter lists were already printed. It is highly problematic that these students were omitted from the voters list, not through any fault of their own, but due to the actions of government authorities. The CEC fined the mayor 80,000 LEK (approximately €670) for his actions in disenfranchising these voters. Such sanction appears to be inadequate to the infringement and may prevent criminal prosecution of the mayor.


    Election Day – 3 July

    Election day was generally peaceful. Nevertheless, a few violent incidents marred the process, including a fatal shooting in the vicinity of a voting centre (VC) in zone 37 in Tirana, and the activity of armed persons in election zone 65. Other notable incidents were reported in zones 25 and 26, which caused an interruption in observation activity, and zones 38, 63, and 79. Parties alleged violent incidents took place in zones 4, 10, and 34. Observers reported 14 violent incidents at VCs.

    Despite the sometimes tense atmosphere (11% of VC visited), the members of a large majority of VCCs (96%) co-operated well with each other to conduct polling. In the large majority of cases, Police respected their legal obligation to remain outside voting centres. However, unauthorised persons were interfering in the process in 4% of VC visited.

    While election observers received a relatively high number of allegations of serious irregularities from a variety of quarters, including allegations of vote buying, few were substantiated or observed directly. Most written complaints received by the OSCE/ODIHR EOM emanated from the SP and the SMI. Formal complaints were filed in 6% of VCs. Observers were informed that some 700 families were unable to participate in the election due to the continued practice of traditional blood feud. In a very few areas, observers received allegations that blank birth certificates were issued illegally.

    A considerable number of voting centres did not open on time, with particular problems in zone 26 and in zone 2, where several could not open at all. Interruptions in polling were reported in 8% of VCs visited and overcrowding in some 9%. Access to polling stations was difficult in 14% of voting centres, which could have affected the voting of disabled citizens. However, provisions that allowed blind persons to vote unaided were a welcome innovation.

    Observers reported that voters were turned away from 51% of VCs visited, because their names were not on the voter list. While this figure appears high, in a large majority of instances, the problem appeared to affect relatively few voters and the problem occurred much less frequently than in earlier elections. Where the problem occurred, many VCCs directed citizens to information points at ZECs to check if they were registered elsewhere. However, the few cases where discrepancies existed between the final voter list posted at VCs and the voter list given to VCCs are of concern. Observers reported isolated cases where a small number of voters were prevented from voting due to the misspelling of their names. Most VCCs were aware of the late adopted CEC decision to retain voters’ birth certificates. In many cases, voters who could not prove their identity with a second document or whose birth certificate had expired were prevented from voting until other identity documents were produced.

    While some procedures were generally respected, such as the proper sealing of ballot boxes, others were not. Specifically, observers noted that some VCCs, particularly in rural areas, did not check voters IDs properly (6%), rarely or never checked voters for traces of ink (19%), or did not apply the ink (11%), reducing the effectiveness of safeguards preventing multiple voting. Voters did not sign the voter lists and have their names crossed in 5% of VCs. This might have complicated ballot reconciliation at a later stage of the process. The secrecy of the vote was not adequately respected in 13% of VCs. While so-called ‘family voting’ occurred less frequently than previous elections (observed in 10% of VCs), it remains a persistent and serious problem, particularly in rural areas. The late nomination by political parties of VCC members resulted in those members missing training sessions, and may have contributed to the apparent lack of familiarity with the procedures.

    These factors had a negative effect on observers’ overall assessment of the process. In general, polling was assessed less positively in the northern prefectures (Shkodër, Lezhë, Kukës and Dibër) and southern prefectures (Vlorë and Gjirokastër), than in other areas. Overall, observers rated the process negatively in 11% of voting centres visited, while they assessed it positively in 67%.

    In general, VCs closed on time and observers reported that those waiting in line were able to cast ballots. The closing procedures were largely respected. However, copies of polling records were not systematically given to those that were entitled to receive them.


    The Vote Count

    At ZECs, some ballot boxes were deemed to be ‘irregular’ and hence their condition will require investigation by the CEC (31 cases reported). On occasions these boxes were not segregated and secured as required by law. Most counting centres (CCs) were located in adequate premises, but observers reported space was insufficient in about a quarter of CCs observed. Regrettably, one team of observers (in Lezhë District) was expelled from a counting centre. During the receipt of election material, observers reported a tense atmosphere in 29% of CCs and two violent incidents. The organisation of the receipt of the material was assessed as poor in nine CCs. The training of the counting teams, which began at a very late stage of the process due to the late nomination deadline and, in some cases to the late arrival of counting teams members, was frequently inadequate.

    EOM observers have continuously followed the process of the delivery of election material to the counting centers, as well as vote count and tabulation in 82 Election Zones. In all counting centers observed, the vote count started only after all voting centers delivered protocols. Additional commentary on the counting process will be issued in due course.


    Domestic Observation

    The relatively high number of observers from domestic civil society organisations including the Albanian Committee Against Corruption and the Albanian Youth Council as well as the multiparty composition of VCCs helped assure the transparency of the process. Domestic non partisan observers were clearly identified by EOM observers in 28% of VCs. EOM observers reported that party observers were present in 94% of VCs visited and in 95% of CCs.

    This statement is also available in Albanian. However, the English language version remains the only official document.


    Mission Information & Acknowledgements

    The OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission (EOM) opened in Tirana on 18 May 2005 with 40 experts and long-term observers deployed in the capital and 11 regional centres. On election day, 408 short-term observers from 36 OSCE participating States, including 23 parliamentarians from the OSCE PA, 20 from the PACE and 9 from the European Parliament were deployed. The EOM observed the polling and vote count in over 1,200 voting centres throughout the country and 82 counting centres after voting centres closed, to observe the tabulation of results.

    Ambassador Andreas Nothelle (Germany) coordinated the Delegation of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly (PA). Mr Jerzy Smorawiński (Poland), Member of the Polish Senate, led the Delegation of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE). Ms Doris Pack (Germany), Member of the European Parliament, led the Delegation of the European Parliament (EP). Mr Jørgen Grunnet (Denmark) headed the OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission.

    The EOM wishes to thank the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for the invitation to observe the elections, the Central Election Commission for providing accreditation documents, and other national and local authorities for their assistance and cooperation. The EOM also wishes to express appreciation to the OSCE Presence in Albania for their support throughout the duration of the mission, to the OSCE Missions in Kosovo and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia for sending staff members to serve as OSCE/ODIHR EOM observers, and the Embassies of OSCE participating States in Tirana for their support.



    Notes

    (1) As already noted in the OSCE/ODIHR – Venice Commission Joint Recommendations issued in 2004, “to the extent that [the law] would permit a re-ranking or “final” ranking of candidates to occur after a voter casts the ballot, then [it] would be contrary to OSCE Commitments and international standards.

    (2) Birth certificate means a copy of the birth record from the civil status book, which is issued by the local authorities and has a validity of three months. If used for internal identification purposes, it has to have a picture attached on the front page and a taxation stamp on the back. Both the pictures and the stamp have to be sealed with the seal of the Civil Status Office of the local government unit. A second personal seal of the civil servant in charge is also required on the stamp.

    (3) For example in Fier, Korca, Himara, and Tirana

    (4) For example in Durrës (EZ28), where a DP supporter was allegedly assaulted by the SP candidate, or in Shijak (EZ26), where SP supporters broke into a private building and assaulted its occupants for displaying opposition posters. Party offices were vandalised in Fier, Korça, Laç, Shkodër and Tirana.

    (5) For example in Delvinë, Durrës, Elbasan, Gjirokaster, Korça, Kukës, Përmet and Tirana.

    (6) For example, in Berat, Elbasan, Fier and Lezhë.

    (7) For example in Gramsh, Kukës, Lezhë, Tirana and Durrës.

    (8) For example in Durrës, Sarandë, Mallakaster, Shkodër and Tirana

    (9) The EOM monitored the broadcasts of three TV stations: TVSH, TV Arberia, TV Klan between 18.00 and 00.00 on a daily basis, and the main news broadcast of Top Channel. In addition, the content of six newspapers was monitored: Shekulli, Panorama, Korrieri, Gazeta Shqiptare, Tema and Koha Jone.

    (10) TV Arberia allocated 27% of the political time in the news to DP and 26% to SP, TV Klan 27% to DP and 29% to SP, Top Channel 28% to DP and 24% to SP. Figures on SP include coverage of Government members engaged in campaign activities.






    Links om valget

    Nyheder:

    Gabriel Partos: »Analysis: Albania's crunch poll« på BBC 1.7.2005: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/4642311.stm

    BBC 3.7.2005: Albanians vote in key elections. Sali Berisha's Democratic Party have a slight lead in polls Albanians have started voting in a closely fought election seen as crucial to the country's ambition to join the European Union and Nato. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/4645643.stm


    Nyheder/analyser i danske medier (de vigtigste):

    DR Radioens P1: »Europa lige nu« 3.7.2005: Valg i Albanien Der er stor international opmærksomhed omkring valget den 3.juli. USA har formanet de albanske politikere om at leve op til kravene om frie og retfærdige valg - uden svindel. Det, at det skal gå rigtigt til ses også som en prøve på, hvor troværdige de albanske drømme er - både når det gælder medlemskab af EU og NATO. Albanien er et af Europas allerfattigste lande - og det sted i Europa hvor hverdagen for mennesker måske er allermest barsk. Der er stor arbejdsløshed, et sundhedssystem og et uddannelsessystem, der fungerer dårligt. Og så er der kriminaliteten - et kæmpeproblem - både for Albanien og for resten af Europa. Hør om det albanske samfund og fremtidsperspektiverne om lidt. Red.: Anne Haubek. Medv.: Tue Magnussen, valgobservatør for OSCE i Albanien. Udsendelsen kan høres på: mms://wms.dr.dk/storage/auto/Nyheder/Radioavisen/Eudebat/03072005_EUd_søndag_17_10.wma

    DR Radioens P1: »Orientering«: 5.7.2005: I Albanien tæller de stadig stemmer op efter parlamentsvalget i søndags, når altså ikke de valgtilforordnede går hjem eller holder en pause. Valget er også præget af andre uregelmæssigheder, og det i en så høj grad, at internationale observatører kun tøvende vil godkende det. Uregelmæssighederne kommer ubelejligt for Albanien, fordi Den Europæiske Union har sagt, at et ordentligt valg er vigtigt for Albaniens vej mod unionen. Tilrettelagt af Thomas Hjortsø: http://www.dr.dk/orientering/Or_MP/2005/ram/o050705g.ram [kan også nedtages som Podcast-fil, se nærmere på: http://www.dr.dk/podcast/)].

    »Information«: 1.7.2005: Görrel Espelund [svensk free-lancer) VALG I ALBANIEN: Unge albanere vil gøre op med politisk apati. De unge albaneres tiltro til landets etablerede politikere kan ligge på et lille sted. Arbejdsløshed, fattigdom, stagnation og korruption er udbredt, og mange drømmer om at rejse til udlandet. Men andre drømmer om at udvikle en ny demokratisk kultur.

    11.7.2005: Tue Magnussen: Albansk valg giver højreskred. Højreskred giver politisk comeback til Berisha, men næppe igen casino-kapitalistiske pyramidespil


    Louise With i »Morgenavisen Jyllandsposten«: (1) 2.7.2005: Dansker i midten af albansk valg. Danske Jørgen Grunnet spiser morgenmad med præsidenten og vandrer ind og ud af albanske tv-studier i disse dage. Det internationale pres på Albanien for at holde et frit og fair parlamentsvalg søndag er massivt, og som leder af de internationale valgobservatører er Grunnet manden i midten.

    - (2) 2.7.2005: Aktivister slås mod apati. Med humor, energi og dygtige kampagner forsøger en gruppe unge aktivister at lære deres albanske medborgere om moderne demokratisk kultur. For eksempel at et grønt parti som regel ikke stemmer for affaldsimport. At en justitsminister ikke ustraffet tæver en journalist. Og at man som vælger bør stille krav til sine politikere.

    - (3) 3.7.2005: Arvefjender kæmper om magten. Dagens parlamentsvalg i Albanien bliver afgørende for den lille Balkanstats fremtid i EU og NATO. To stærke ledere, den regerende socialist Fatos Nano og demokraten Sali Berisha, kæmper om magten ved et valg, der kaldes det vigtigste og mest uforudsigelige i historien.

    - (4) 5.7.2005: Valg i Albanien: Observatører kritiske efter albansk valg. Det lykkedes kun delvis at holde demokratisk valg i Albanien, meddelte OSCE mandag. Mens der blev talt stemmer på højtryk, gav målinger sejr til opposition. Nu samles spændingen om det endelig resultat, der ventes tirsdag, og om reaktionerne fra EU og NATO.

    - (5) 6.7.2005: Sali Berisha tilbage til magten. Albanerne stemte for forandring søndag, og gav efter alt at dømme en overraskende sejr til tidligere præsident Sali Berisha og hans demokratiske parti. OSCE har kritiseret valget for kun delvist at have været frit og fair.


    »Politiken« 6.7.2005: Albansk kaos Langt til indfrielse af EU's krav. Der er kun 1,6 millioner afgivne stemmer at tælle op efter søndagens parlamentsvalg i Albanien, men kaos under optællingen betyder, at det endelige resultat lader vente på sig. I går nedlagde stemmetællere simpelthen arbejdet efter ordre fra de to største partier, der hævder at have vundet. Det er partierne bag de to ledere, der har domineret albansk politik siden kommunismens sammenbrud i landet i 1990: Sali Berisha, leder af Det Demokratiske Parti, og ministerpræsident Fatos Nano, leder af Socialistpartiet, der har regeret landet i de sidste otte år.

    Kroniken: 19.8.2005: Tue Magnussen: Albanien på vippen. Den lille Balkan-stats medlemskab af EU kom ikke meget nærmere ved sommerens valg, der vippede parlamentsflertallet fra socialisterne tilbage til højrepartierne. Men USA kan bringe Albanien hurtigere ind i NATO.


    Albanske links (på Engelsk):

    Forfatningen: http://www.parlament.al/english/dis-kus.html

    Valgreglerne. Electoral Code of the Republic of Albania: http://www.osce.org/item/14076.html

    Valgkommissionen: Partier, koalitioner, kandidater (i de 100 kredse): http://www.myvote05.com/main.htm

    »Mjaft« (i samarbejde med Soros Foundation): Oversigt over partier og kandidater; partiprogrammerne er resumeret (men kun på Albansk): http://www.unevotoj.com/ [Albansk-sproget]. »Mjaft« er en NGO der har modtaget støtte fra vestlig side; organisationen vender sig bl.a. mod korruption, miljøsvineri og slægtsfejder. »Mjaft« betyder: Nu kan det være nok.

    »Tirana Times«: http://www.tiranatimes.com/index.html. Engelsksproget ugeavis. Artikler om valget, bl.a.: http://www.tiranatimes.com/19%20Election%20Scenarios.html og http://www.tiranatimes.com/19%20Election%20Background%20to%20Parties.html

    Democrats and allies secure government-forming majority With 55 deputies from the Democratic Party and 19 from its smaller right-wing allies, the opposition has officially gained enough seats in the Albanian government to form Albania’s next government, according the official elections results released on Wednesday. [8.7.2005]

    Free and Fair Elections: Mission Impossible? Albania has partially met international standards, on the basis of which, the elections could at least be classified as democratic. In the preliminary report of OSCE/ODIHR, European Parliament and the Council of Europe, there was no mention of the famous formula: "The elections marked a step forward as against the previous elections," which we had grown accustomed to reading in ODIHR Election Reports of the last few years. [8.7.2005]

    Is Ilir Meta the king maker of the Socialists' defeat? The former socialist Prime Minister, who transformed the anti-Nano faction within the SP into a political party, has, single handedly managed to topple between ten to fifteen candidates of the Socialist Party in the electoral battle against their political opponents, the Democrats. [8.7.2005]


    Partier m.fl.

    Socialistpartiet; formand: Fatos Nano: http://www.ps.al/ [Albansk/Engelsk]. Platform, se Mjaft's side: http://www.unevotoj.com/doc/Platforma%20PS.pdf

    Demokraterne; formand: Sali Berisha - se: http://www.rilindjademokratike.com/ [Herfra henvises til en side for partiet, men den har længe været under construction]. Platform, se Mjaft's side: http://www.unevotoj.com/doc/Platforma%20KOP.pdf

    LSI - Den Socialistiske for Integration [i Europa]; formand: Ilir Meta - se: http://www.ilirmeta.com/index.php?lang=al [Albansk; en smule på Engelsk. Web-stedet er kun delvis opdateret]. Platform, se Mjaft's side: http://www.unevotoj.com/doc/Platforma%20elektorale%20e%20LSI.pdf


    Internationale links:

    OSCE's og ODIHR's valgmission 2005:

    Regular OSCE report on activities in Albania, 2 June 2005: http://www.osce.org/item/14892.html (PDF-format)

    Interview with Head of Presence, Radio Free Europe, 17 June 2005: http://www.osce.org/item/15240.html [PDF-format]

    OSCE/ODIHR interim report 2 on 3 July 2005 elections in Albania: http://www.osce.org/item/15465.html

    Valgzoner: http://www.osce.org/item/15252.html (PDF-format). Kortet kan forstørres og formindskes i Acrobat Reader, se ovenfor.


    Tidligere valgmissioner / dokumenter fra 2001 og frem:

    http://www.osce.org/odihr-elections/documents.html?lsi=true&limit=10&grp=207


    Europarådets Parlamentariske Forsamlings valgmission 2005:

    http://assembly.coe.int/ASP/Press/StopPressView.asp?CPID=1658&search=albania


    Danske links:

    Albaniens historie: http://miqesia.dk/erfaring/albaniens_historie.htm

    Dansk-Albansk samarbejde fra 1990'erne og frem: http://miqesia.dk/erfaring

    Europarådets monitorering af Albanien, se interview med Søren Søndergaard: http://miqesia.dk/erfaring/CoE.htm (her er links til rapporter om Albanien)

    Miqësia / Dansk-Albansk Venskabsforening: http://miqesia.dk/

    Interview med Qemal Minxhozi, kandidat i kreds 18 (Dibra-området), tidl. Albansk chargé d'affaires i Danmark: http://home7.inet.tele.dk/bjoerna/254b.htm





    Forhistorien

    Albanien var en kommunistisk stat fra slutningen af 2' Verdenskrig og frem til 1991. Først var Albanien allieret med Jugoslavien og Tito (og med Stalin og Sovjetunionen), i 1948 gik man med Stalin mod Tito. Fra dét tidspunkt var Enver Hoxha den helt dominerende politiske leder i Albanien. I begyndelsen af 1960'erne tog Hoxha afstand fra Krusjtjov og Sovjetionen og svingede over mod Kina og Mao Zedong. Hen over midten af 1970'erne kom Hoxha uoverens med Kineserne - angiveligt pga den diplomatiske tilnærmelse mellem USA og Kina - og prøvede at gå enegang.

    Den økonomiske situation var vanskelig i hele efterkrigstiden, men blev ganske særlig vanskelig fra slutningen af 1970'erne. De økonomiske vanskeligheder førte til interne politiske vanskeligheder (og omvendt). Enver Hoxha's nære kollega siden 2' Verdenskrig - premierminister Mehmet Shehu - blev likvideret og flere af hans familie og af hans tilhængere blev politisk udrenset og forfulgt.

    Efter Hoxha's død i 1985 var det partisoldaten Ramiz Alia der »tog over«. En vis politisk modernisering blev forsøgt - og der var også visse tilnærmelser mellem »Europa« og Albanien, som dog ikke førte særlig langt.

    Nogen tid efter »Murens fald« i 1989 og sammenbruddet af de socialistiske og kommunistiske regimer i Østeuropa, kollapsede også det kommunistiske styre i Albanien pga indre utilfredshed og uro.

    Det blev tilladt at danne partier, og der blev gjort forsøg på at etablere en national samlingsregering, men den holdt ikke længe.

    Hen over 1991-92 kom Demokraterne til magten. De var ledet af den karismatiske Sali Berisha (der havde været én af Enver Hoxha's livlæger) der efter nogen tid blev præsident. De økonomiske, sociale og politiske forhold var imidlertid temmelig kaotiske. Berisha (og hans folk) søgte at forhindre tidligere kommunister i at komme til magten - og én af de yngre, fremtrædende kommunister, økonomen Fatos Nano blev fængslet for at have tilegnet sig en andel af den nødhjælp som bl.a. var kommet til Albanien fra Italien (for et par år siden blev han frikendt og fik tildelt en erstatning for uberettiget fængsling). Også Enver Hoxha's kone, Nexhmije Hoxha, blev dømt og sad i fængsel nogle år.

    Henover midten af 1990'erne blev der etableret en række pyramideforetagender. Albanerne investerede deres sparepenge - undertiden alt hvad de ejede - i foretagender der stillede meget store fortjenester i udsigt. Årsagen til at Albanerne hoppede på limpinden var at de på dét tidspunkt havde meget naive og urealistiske økonomiske forestillinger, men også at den økonomiske elendighed var stor.

    Omkring slutningen af 1996 og hen gennem 1997 kollapsede det ene efter det andet af pyramideforetagenderne, og der opstod stor social og politisk uro, militærets våbenlagre blev plyndret - regeringen kollapsede, og Fatos Nano blev løsladt.

    I sommeren 1997 blev der indsat en fælleseuropæisk militærstyrke under Italiensk ledelse (Danmark deltog med et lille kontingent) der overvågede det efterfølgende parlamentsvalg.

    Valget førte til at Socialisterne (under Fatos Nano) erobrede regeringsmagten, og at der blev valgt en ny præsident, fysikprofessor Rexhep Meidani. Socialisterne udspringer af det tidligere kommunistparti, men må karakteriseres som et socialdemokratisk parti.

    I de følgende år har den økonomiske, sociale og politiske udvikling været positiv, men ufuldstændig - og der har også været tilbageslag (som da en af de demokratiske ledere, Azem Hajdari, blev myrdet i 1998 af folk fra sin hjemegn - formentlig pga en lokalt betonet konflikt).

    I forbindelse med uroen efter drabet flygtede Fatos Nano til Makedonien. Han blev erstattet som premierminister af Pandeli Majko (der i dag er forsvarsminister); på et senere tidspunkt blev Majko skubbet til side af Ilir Meta, mens Fatos Nano sikrede sig posten som formand for Socialistpartiet.

    Ved valget i 2001 kunne Socialisterne - igen danne regering; fortsat under Ilir Meta.

    Fra sensommeren 2001 og frem til midten af 2002 bestod der et ret spændt forhold mellem de ledende politikere i Socialistpartiet. Fatos Nano beskyldte nogle af ministrene i Meta's regering for korruption - og tvang Meta og hans regering til at træde tilbage i januar 2002. Efter en kampafstemning vendte Pandeli Majko tilbage som premierminister.




    Begyndelsen af april 2002: OSCE og Europarådet holdt et arrangement hvor Formændene for de to store partier - Socialisternes Fatos Nano og Demokraternes Sali Berisha skrev under på en protokol om implementeringen af OSCE og ODIHR's rekommendationer vedrørende parlamentsvalg og om nedsættelsen af en valgkommission med deltagelse af både Socialisterne og Demokraterne. Fra venstre Fatos Nano (som taler), derefter OSCE-Missionschef Gert Ahrens, Parlamentsformand Namik Dokle, Europarådets Missionschef Jørgen Grunnet og Sali Berisha. De fleste ser noget alvorlige, en enkelt næsten dyster, ud.


    Det var givetvis nødvendigt da OSCE's daværende ambassadør, Geert-Hinrich Ahrens, i april 2002 slog i bordet og forlangte at de to store partier, Socialisterne og Demokraterne, satte sig sammen og løste nogle af de tunge tekniske problemer, således at det parlamentatiske arbejde kunne udvikle sig i en mere konstruktiv retning (Demokraterne var gået så vidt at de i utilfredshed med forløbet af valget i 2001 havde boykottet parlamentsarbejdet frem til januar 2002). Men der var næppe kommet bukser af skindet, hvis ikke også Jørgen Grunnet, der var missionschef for Europarådet i Tirana, havde været på banen og på sin måde overbevist parterne om at man ville nå væsentlig længere - med hensyn til en optagelse i EU - ved at samarbejde end ved at strides.

    Måske ønskede Fatos Nano at blive præsident, men det blev fra mange sider - ikke mindst fra USA, EU og OSCE - betydet at det var vigtigt at der blev valgt en konsensuspræsident; efter sonderinger og forhandlinger nåede man i sommeren 2002 til enighed om at vælge den tidligere general Alfred Moisiu. Moisiu havde fået den væsentligste del af sin militære uddannelse i Sovjetunionen og havde haft høje militære og politiske funktioner både i Hoxha-styrets tid og fra 1994 til 1997 under Berisha-styret.

    I sommeren 2002 hvor Fatos Nano indgik en slags samarbejdsaftale med Ilir Meta. Nano blev nu premierminister (i stedet for Majko), mens Meta blev vicepremier- og udenrigsminister og Majko forsvarsminister. Samarbejdsaftalen med Meta holdt dog ikke så længe. Det kom til et opgør sommeren 2003 som førte Meta til at trække sig helt ud af regeringen.

    I de følgende måneder søgte Nano at indsætte nogle af sine folk i regeringen, således Marko Bello som udenrigsminister, men det lykkedes ikke da der var parlamentsmedlemmer fra partiet der enten stemte imod Bello (Meta m.fl.) eller som undlod at stemme (Angjeli m.fl.).

    De politiske og personlige uoverensstemmelser i Socialistpartiet fik Nano til at tænke »kreativt«. Han indledte forhandlinger med forskellige fløje og grupper og sikrede sig bred støtte til sit formandskab. Den tidligere præsident Meidani stillede op mod ham som formand, men fik ikke mange stemmer. Heller ikke Tiranas borgmester Edi Rama - der kandiderede, hvad enten det var af taktiske grunde eller for at vise flaget - fik særlig mange stemmer, og Meta-fløjen led i øvrigt et markant nederlag.

    Blandt de politikere Nano gik i alliance med var Anastas Angjeli som han i 2001 havde beskyldt for at være korrupt. Nano er blevet spurgt hvordan et sådant samarbejde kunne komme i stand - hans svar var måske ikke så præcist, men lod dog ane at det skyldtes behovet for at sikre sig selv - og sin politik - bredere og stærkere opbakning. Tilsyneladende er Nano's taktik lykkedes, for siden har der været relativt roligt i partiet. Dog har Nano for nogen tid siden kritiseret undervisningsminister Memushi for at have nået for lidt.

    Meta-fløjen har forladt Socialistpartiet og stiftet et nyt Europa-orienteret socialistisk (dvs. socialdemokratisk) parti, der tippes til at få nogle stemmer ved parlamentsvalget 3.7.2005. Nogle af stemmerne vil komme fra Socialistpartiet, men det er sandsynligt at der også vil komme stemmer fra nogle af de partier som har indgået valgalliance med Fatos Nano, således Skënder Gjinushi's socialdemokratiske parti.

    På et punkt er der ret stor enighed mellem de stridende parter i Socialistpartiet - nemlig med hensyn til udenrigspolitikken. Alle er enige om at Albanien så hurtigt som muligt må optages i EU og i NATO.

    Økonomisk er der ikke andre muligheder for at sikre en positiv udvikling end ved et tæt samarbejde med og senere en optagelse i EU. Ganske vist er beskæftigelsen blevet en smule bedre i de senere år, men der er et forrygende handelsbalanceunderskud - som dækkes ved pengeoverførsler fra emigrantarbejdere og ved lån og tilskud fra udenlandske donorer, ikke mindst fra forskellige EU-kasser, men også fra fx Verdensbanken.

    Fra EUs side har man anstillet sig positivt, men man kræver at der bliver gjort noget alvorligt ved korruptionen og den organiserede kriminalitet (bl.a. mht trafficking).

    Det er tænkeligt at man er tættere på en optagelse i NATO end i EU. Albanerne støtter øjensynlig helhjertet Præsident Bush i Afghanistan og Irak og har sendt troppekontingenter til begge steder, - og Bush-regeringen har tilsvarende flere gange udtalt sig positivt om den Albanske regering og dens politik.

    Fra USA, EU og OSCE er det sagt overordentlig tydeligt - og mange gange - at valget 3.7.2005 er en vigtig prøve på om Albanerne har gjort hvad der forventes af dem.


    Albaniens historie, se: http://miqesia.dk/erfaring/albaniens_historie.htm





    Albanien og Irak. Udenrigsminister Kastriot Islami sagde flg. på en international konference i juni 2005:

    The intervention of Minister Islami at the International Conference on Iraq

    Dear colleagues,

    Dear participants,

    Allow me to express my appreciation for the initiative of the European Union and the United States to sponsor this conference, in response to the formal request by the Iraqi Transitional Government. The holding of this conference is a valuable contribution to the efforts of the international community aiming at the further democratic stabilization of Iraq and the establishment of the rule of law throughout its territory. These efforts are also very important in view of the struggle for global security and stability. Therefore, I highly appreciate your invitation to participate at this conference and my presence here is an expression of Albania’s contribution to the support of the international community for the stabilization of Iraq.

    I would like to emphasize that the Albanian Government fully supports an active policy in Iraq aiming at the establishment of democratic standards and Iraq’s integration in the international community. Albania has supported the first free and democratic elections, held on 30 January 2005. They were an expression of the will of the Iraqi people to join the community of democratic countries and establish peaceful relation within the country and with its neighbors. These elections marked a new beginning for the Iraqi people. They demonstrated that they are able to make the right choices about their future. In this context we support the democratically elected Iraqi Transitional Government in accordance with the UN Security Council Resolution 1546.

    The Albanian Government supports the sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of Iraq, its process of reforms and the efforts to strengthen the rule of law, in full respect for political and human rights. Putting an end to violence and terrorist activities constitutes the biggest challenges for Iraq. We are confident that the Iraqi people with the support of the international community, will be able to face this challenge. Although security in the country presents many problems, significant progress has been made.

    I am glad to stress that, as part of the International Coalition against terrorism, Albania was among the first countries to deploy its military forces to Iraq. Currently, Albania has a modest presence of military troops that is contributing to the strengthening of the security in the country, in the framework of the operations of the Coalition. We are convinced on the necessity and determined to continue with this contribution, by keeping the presence of our military forces also in the future, in accordance with the Coalition’s assessments and decisions.

    Finally, I would like to repeat my deepest appreciation to Secretary Rice and Minister Asselborn for their leadership and their contribution to the successful organization of this important conference for the future of Iraqi people and at the same time to assure you, dear colleagues, that Albania will continue to be a reliable ally of the countries that fight for freedom, justice and democracy.

    Thank you.





    Aktuelle baggrundslinks

    Verdensbanken, EU, Europarådet, USA
    Religiøs tolerance (konference i Tirana, december 2004)


    Verdensbanken:

    http://www.worldbank.org.al/


    EU:

    http://www.delalb.cec.eu.int/en/index.htm

    http://www.delalb.cec.eu.int/en/eu_and_albania/agreements.htm


    Europarådet (Europarådets Parlamentariske Forsamling):

    Parliamentary Assembly Resolution 1377 (2004) Honouring of obligations and commitments by Albania

    [Dokumentsøgning]


    USA:

    - Udenrigsministeriet: Background note [leksikalsk oversigt]: http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/3235.htm

    - Trafficking: http://www.usemb-tirana.rpo.at/pg1news/0603%20Raporti%20mbi%20Trafikimin%20Hyrja-Shqiperia%20eng.pdf [PDF]


    Religiøs tolerance:

    http://miqesia.dk/Summit-2004.htm




    Du må citere hvis du angiver hovedsidens adresse: bjoerna.dk ... Siderne om Albanerne: bjoerna.dk/albanerne.htm ... Søgning på internettet: bjoerna.dk/soegning.htm