Område
|
Vælgere
|
Stemmer på kandidater
|
Stemmer/Vælgere (%)
|
Kukës
|
66.375
|
42.870
|
64,6
|
Dibra
|
116.431
|
73.187
|
62,9
|
Korça
|
246.700
|
127.576
|
51,7
|
Elbasan
|
282.528
|
143.244
|
50,7
|
Lezha
|
135.890
|
67.331
|
49,5
|
Berat
|
158.071
|
77.722
|
49,2
|
Shkodra
|
196.114
|
96.208
|
49,1
|
Fier
|
300.220
|
144.678
|
48,2
|
Gjirokastra
|
112.728
|
51.658
|
45,8
|
Tirana
|
659.169
|
301.022
|
45,7
|
Durrës
|
264.280
|
115.993
|
43,9
|
Vlora
|
225.829
|
86.763
|
38,4
|
I alt
|
2.734.050
|
1.317.478
|
48,2
|
I alt
(prognose alle valgzoner incl.)
|
2.846.000
|
1.340.000
|
47,1
|
Beregning foretaget af Bjørn Andersen 10.7.2005 på basis af materiale fra Den Centrale Valgkommission
|
Tabellen bygger på officielt materiale som det forelå 10.7. om eftermiddagen. De 3 steder hvor der - helt/delvist - mangler stemmetal er holdt ude (både mht antal vælgere og mht antal afgivne stemmer). Valgdeltagelse er her opfattet som stemmer på kandidater i procent af antal vælgere! Måske er der lidt flere vælgere der har afleveret stemme? (fx er der givetvis nogle stemmer der er erklæret ugyldige af den ene eller anden grund).
Prognosen nederst inkluderer de 3 zoner hvor de endelige stemmetal ikke foreligger.
Observationer:
1) Generelt er deltagelsen meget lav - lidt under 50%. Den er så lav at det burde give anledning til en nærmere undersøgelse af årsagerne. Fx kunne man foretage interviews af et antal vælgere i forskellige dele af landet for at afklare hvorfor valgdeltagelsen er relativt høj nogle steder i landet - og hvorfor den er meget lav i andre.
2) Deltagelsen er særligt lav i Tirana, Durrës, Gjirokastra og Vlora. Måske er forklaringen at relativt mange vælgere fra disse områder er i udlandet for at arbejde og derfor ikke kan afgive stemme? Måske er der relativt mange vælgere i disse områder der har svært ved at se et positivt formål i at stemme? Måske er det særligt her at splittelsen i Socialistpartiet har haft betydning - både mht at sprede stemmerne og mht at påvirke valgdeltagelsen i nedadgående retning?
3) Deltagelsen er temmelig høj i Kukës- og Dibra-områderne, dvs. i den nordøstlige del af Albanien. Muligvis er den kunstigt høj i Kukës, for tallene i valgzonerne 10 og 11 ser mærkelige ud. Umiddelbart kunne man tro at der er afgivet stemmer »en gros« eller ved en art »kåring«.
4) Når deltagelsen i Dibra-området er relativt høj skyldes det muligvis at man dér - i højere grad end andre steder - tror at der er en positiv »fremtid«? Det kunne i så fald have en vis sammenhæng med at man er blevet særligt begunstiget med hjælp fra bl.a. Danmark? Opmærksomheden henledes på en artikel om
Qemal Minxhozi i
»Koha Jone« 8.7. Her står at nogle af valgets største tabere var dem fra Socialistpartiet der havde svækket partiets renommé. Til gengæld var der andre kandidater der havde fremgang - og én af dem var Qemal Minxhozi der stillede op i Burrel. Minxhozi adskilte sig fra de andre kandidater. Han tog en stor chance, han opgav sin stilling som ambassadør i det »magiske« København, én af Europa's metropoler, for at kandidere. Han gav ikke falske løfter, han gav ikke penge, det eneste han gjorde var at tale med folk. Han sagde at han ville være én af deres, og at han ville vedblive med at være det. Hans familie kommer i øvrigt fra Burrel; Qemal Minxhozi tilhører ét af de gamle »dynastier« fra Mat og Burrel. Valget af Minxhozi giver forhåbninger om at ægte værdier ikke er skubbet til side af forretningsmænds løfter om et paradis der alligevel ikke findes. [Tak til Elmira Alija for hjælp til oversættelsen]
MINXHOZI, SOCIALISTI NDRYSHE
Partia Socialiste, pavaresisht se humbi zgjedhjet, ka padyshim disa mandate te
merituara. Humbesit e medhenj ne keto zgjedhje ishin pikerisht ata qe e demtonin
me shume imazhin e socialisteve dhe qe ndikuan ne renien e saj ne opozite.
Nderkohe, ka figura te spikatura qe kane arritur te marrin pelqimin e shumices ne
zonat e tyre, qe tregon se kjo parti ka shanse per riperteritje. Nje nga keto sinjale jen pikerisht nga Mati, atje ku u zgjodh deputet Qemal Minxhozi, si perfaqesues i PS-se.
Minxhozi e beri diferencen qe ne fillim. Ai vendosi te riskoje maksimalisht teksa la postin e ambasadorit shqiptar ne Danimarke per t"u futur ne nje gare aspak te
sigurte. Por si arriti t"i bindte matjanet dhe burrelasit per t"i dhene voten. Nuk
eshte sekret. Ai mori pelqimin e banoreve te zones jo me para, as me premtime
kozmike, por me fjale. Fjala eshte e para, dhe kete e di mire mesa duket z.
Minxhozi. Deputeti i zgjedhur u ka manifestuar qytetareve te kesaj zone se ai
eshte nje nga ata, dhe do te jete kesisoj gjate gjithe mandatit. Ai ka manifestuar
vullnetin dhe gatishmerine per te qene prane halleve dhe shqetesimeve te tyre me
maksimunin e tij. Minxhozi vinte nga Kopenhageni i magjishem, nje nga
kryeqendrat e Europes, megjithate ndihej dhe paraqitej si te ishte i atij ambjenti,
pikerisht nga ku ka edhe prejardhjen.
Dhe meqe jemi ketu, origjina e tij familjare eshte nje tjeter avantazh qe percaktoi
fitoren e 3 korrikut. Minxhozi eshte nje mbiemer i njohur ne kete zone, dhe
perfaqeson nje nga "dinastite" e nderuara te Matit e Burrelit.
Fitorja e Minxhozit perfshin edhe nje shprese se vlerat ende nuk jane zhdukur nga
forca e parase. Tregon vleren e matjaneve dhe burrelasve qe vendosen per te
caktuar si perfaqesues te tyrin njeriun e besueshem, dhe jo biznesmenin apo
premtuesin e parajses se paqene.
5) I visse tilfælde ser det ud som om vælgerne har ladet sig lokke til stemmeurnerne fordi der har været en særligt engagerende valgkamp?
6) Stemmedeltagelsen er lav i de kredse hvor de helt store koryfæer har været på banen: Berisha (#48), Topalli (#6) og især Nano (#99). Til gengæld var den i høj i Ilir Meta's kreds (#79).
Løbende resultater 4.7.-6.7.
Der foreligger 4.7. kl. 09:45 kun begrænsede resultater; fx ser det ud til at Anastas Angjeli (Socialisterne) har vundet snævert over Ylli Pango (Demokraterne) i kreds 38 i Tirana. Angjeli har fået 44 %, Pango 42 %. Edmond Panarati fra Ilir Meta's LSI har fået knap 9 %. [5.7. kl. 7:30] Angjeli står stadig til at have vundet; han tilskrives 44 % mod 43 og 8 %. [6.7. kl. 8:00] Flertallet ser ud til at være tippet; Pango står til 45 %, Angjeli til 43 %; LSI har ca. 8 %. Angjeli har så vidt vides protesteret over stemmetællingen.
[5.7. kl. 9.00] I Tirana kreds 41 er kredsmandatet formentlig tilfaldet Spartak Ngjela fra Demokraterne. Han har ca. 38 %, mens Socialisternes Spartak Poci har ca. 33 %. I denne kreds er der opstillet en uafhængig kandidat, Elisabeta Dosti, som har opnået 15 %.
[5.7. kl. 10] Sali Berisha (Demokraternes leder) synes at have vundet klart i Tirana kreds 48 med ca. 62 % og Ermelinda Meksi (fremtrædende Socialist) synes at have vundet Tirana kreds 35 med ca. 42 % mod 40 % til Apollon Bace fra Demokraterne.
[4.7. kl. 10:15] Demokraternes Omer Stringa ser ud til at have vundet over Socialisternes Taulant Dedja i kreds 53 i Elbasan. LSI fik kun godt 4 %. [20:30] Dedja har nu 44,5 % (1814 stemmer) mod Omer Stringa der har 44,3 % (1806). [5.7. kl. 7:30; 10:40] Flertallet synes at være tippet. Dedja står nu til 46-47 % mod 43 % til Stringa.
[4.7. kl. 11:00-11:20] Demokraterne har fmtl. (som ventet) vundet nogle kredse i Shkodra-området, bl.a. har Jozefina Topalli opnået 58 % i kreds 6. [5.7. kl. 10:40] Jozefina Topalli har øget sit forspring til 60-61 %. Cef Cuni fra Socialisterne står til 23 % og Ardjan Dajti fra LSI til 6-7 %. [6.7. kl.
18.00] Esmeralda Uruci, LSI, står til 11 %.
[4.7. kl. 11:00-11:20] Fatos Nano har fået 54 % i kreds 99 ved Vlora i den anden ende af landet (Demokraterne fik dér 38 %, LSI 4 %). [5.7. kl. 10:40] Nano fører med 57 % mod 36 % til Besnik Aliaj (Demokraterne); LSI står til godt 3 %.
Arta Dade (Socialisterne) har fået 42 % i kreds 65 i Fier mod 36 % til Ndini Ndoni fra Demokraterne og hele 17 % til Thokli Thomaj fra LSI. [kl. 20:00] Arta Dade står stadig til at vinde, men Demokraterne er tæt på. Pct.fordelingen er 39.8 mod 39.2. [5.7. kl. 10:40] Arta Dade står nu til 42-43 %, Ndoni til 36 %.
[4.7. kl. 11:00; justeret kl. 20:25] Tidl. minister Luan Rama (Socialisterne) ser ikke ud til at have fået et mandat i kreds 32 i Tirana; det går sandsynligvis til Demokraternes Besnik Mustafaj med 55 % af stemmerne. LSI får 7-8 %. [5.7. kl. 10:40] Situationen er uændret Mustafaj ca. 55 %, Rama ca. 32 %. LSI 7 %.
[4.7. kl. 12:00] Der er kommet tal fra kreds 18 i Dibra-området. Tallene er meget lave og er helt foreløbige. Men ifølge dem er det Demokraterne der får kredsmandatet, mens Socialisternes Qemal Minxhozi og LSI's Agim Hysa er kommet ret dårligt ud. [kl.: 19:30] Der er kommet flere tal som synes at vise at Qemal Minxhozi får kredsmandatet, men Demokraternes Gani Hoxha er kun ganske få stemmer bagefter. [5.7. kl. 7:30] Qemal Minxhozi's forspring er øget; han har nu 41.8 % mod 38.9. LSI står til 13 %.
[4.7. kl. 20:45] Der foreligger ikke tal fra kreds 79 i Berat hvor Ilir Meta er opstillet. Er der problemer? [5.7. kl. 7:30] Ilir Meta synes at have vundet med 56 % mod 24 % til Socialisternes Adnor Shameti og 18 % til Demokraternes Luan Brego. [5.7. kl. 10:40] Ilir Meta står nu til 53 %, Shameti til 29 % og Bregu til 15 %. [6.7. kl. 8.30] Meta har fået ca. 50 %.
[5.7. kl. 11:00] Der foreligger endnu ikke tal fra kreds 76 og 77 i Berat-området. Her kandiderer bl.a. minister Marko Bello og undervisningsminister Luan Memushi fra Socialisterne. [11:30] De første tal fra kreds 77 giver Luan Memushi en føring. [18:45] Både Marko Bello og Luan Memushi ser ud til at have sikret sig et kredsmandat mod hhv. Leonord Kumaraku (Demokraterne) og Mustafa Muco (LSI). [De samlede tal for kreds 77 er meget lave; måske er ikke alle tal indberettet?]
Stemmeresultatet som det fremstod 6.7.2005 kl. 17.55. Tallene kan umuligt være ajourførte, så små de er ... Måske er kreds 77 ét af de områder hvor nogle af valgkommissionsmedlemmerne er gået deres vej?
[6.7. kl. 8:30] Gjirokastra kreds 90 Demokraternes Genci Ruli har fået 47 % mod 39 % til Socialisternes Makbule Çeço.
CEC: Udtalelser
[4.7.] Den Centrale Valgkommission har udsendt to meddelelser:
The conduct of the voting process, in 2005 elections to the Assembly, ends successfully
[04.07.2005] The 2005 elections to the Albanian Assembly were peacefully, correctly and seriously conducted. The voters were directed to the voting centers throughout the country, which were opened on Sunday, July 3rd, 2005, at 07.00 hrs. The turnout in these elections is considered high, compared to the previous elections. In general, the Voting Center Commissions and Zone Elections Commissions exercised correctly their duties according to law and regarding the voters. The voters had the possibility to freely express their will through their vote. The election commissions enabled to guarantee the integrity of the voting and its stability until its closing, yesterday at 19.00 hrs. The election commissions were adequately trained and generally professionals to fulfil the functions assigned to them.
In compliance with the provisions of the Electoral Code, the CEC has functioned by meeting regularly and has taken decision according to the established provisions. The CEC had under its control the whole process in regard to the organisative and logistic part. In this regard, the CEC was prepared and predisposed to face any unforeseen situation.
The process of organisation and functioning of zone election commissions and voting center commissions is considered regular. The commissioners were trained by the CEC according to the adopted training scheme. The CEC trained intensively the members of vote counting teams, from the moment of their appointment til the starting of the counting process.
The CEC attention is focused on the observation of the vote counting process in order to guarantee that it is conducted with no interventions, according to the established provisions provided for in law.
The conduct of the elections marked a qualitative standard regarding the road of Albania towards the democracy and integration in the family of developed nations. They marked an important priority in the election history of Albania.
-
The CEC calls on to BCTs and ZECs to complete ballot counting process in time
[04.07.2005] The CEC calls on to the members of the Ballot Counting Teams and Zone Election Commissions to progress with the ballot counting process. The end of the counting process is crucial for announcing the members to the assembly emerging from the voting and the regularity of the election process.
The CEC appeals to all the members of the ZECs and BCTs to show responsibility in performing their state duty. The timely delivery of all the counting resuls is the essential part of the whole election process and for that reason, they should try to deliver them as quickly as possible.
The CEC demands that the political parties that have proposed members of the ballot counting teams respect the rules of this process and let them to freely exercise their instrumental duty.
The CEC would like to remind the ballot counting team members, that, if they abandon or obstruct the ballot counting process, they will be faced with administrative and penal sanctions provided for by law. The ballot counting process is part of the election process and for that reason, we demand respect of the law and integrity of the process by all the participants.
[6.7.] Den Centrale Valgkommission har udsendt flg.:
[06.07.2005] 99 Election Zones ended the ballot counting process. The final election results are published for 51 election Zones, which have delivered the materials to the CEC, according to law. 48 Election Zones are expected to deliver the election materials to the CEC, in order to continue the publication of the results of these elections.
Actually, the ballot counting process in the Election Zone no.92 continues to be in a deadlock. The CEC is trying to end the ballot counting process in this zone and make possible the delivery of election materials to the CEC.
Kredsmandater (100)
5.7. kl. 9:00 ser det ud til at Demokraterne har fået langt flere kredsmandater (mellem 50 og 55) end Socialisterne. Enkelte kredsmandater synes at være tilfaldet andre, således Ilir Meta i Berat kreds 79 og nogle uafhængige kandidater i det sydligste Albanien. [5.7. kl. 18:30] Det ser pt ud til at Demokraterne har sikret sig godt 50 mandater, Socialisterne 40. 3 mandater tilfalder andre (Ilir Meta 1, PBDNJ [HRUP] 1, uafhængig 1).
[6.7. 12:00] Demokraterne står til 54-55, Socialisterne til 43-42, Andre til 3 (heriblandt Ilir Meta). Når det kommer til at tælle mandater er der 55 til Højre og 45 til Venstre - dertil kommer de proportionelle mandater.
Proportionelle mandater (40)
5.7. kl. 9:00. Situationen er pt. uvis. Fordelingen kan ikke afklares endeligt før kredsmandaterne er fordelt. Måske vil især Socialisterne, men også Demokraterne få nogle proportionelle mandater? Nogle mandater vil imidlertid tilfalde Meta's LSI og nogle de andre små partier.
[6.7. kl. 13:00] Umiddelbart ser det ud til at der vil falde ca. lige mange mandater til hver af de to store blokke. Hvis tallene ellers er rigtige vil Republikanerne (Fatmir Mediu) få en hel del af de proportionelle mandater.
Regeringsdannelse
Først når der er en vis sikkerhed for fordelingen af kredsmandater og proportionelle mandater vil det kunne afklares hvem der står stærkest mht at danne regering. Det ser dog ud til at den nuværende premierminister Fatos Nano har tabt en hel del ift sidste valg, og at tidligere præsident Berisha står tilsvarende stærkere.
[6.7. 12:00] Det ser ud til at Berisha sammenlagt vil få tilstrækkeligt mandater bag sig til at kunne danne en regering med et flertal bag sig. Foreløbig har han indbudt Republikanerne at deltage i regeringen. Meta vil (som det ligger) være uden indflydelse på regeringsdannelsen.
Resultatet kreds for kreds
Oplysningerne stammer fra forskellige kilder, bl.a. fra Den Centrale Valgkommission, men også fra albanske medier, fordi Valgkommissionens tal ikke er ajourførte i alle tilfælde. Der må derfor tages et vist forbehold. I langt de fleste tilfælde er der overensstemmelse mellem alle kilder jeg har undersøgt. I nogle tilfælde er der kun få stemmer mellem dén der er anført at have vundet og '# 2'.
Valgt |
Kreds |
PD |
PS |
Andre |
I alt |
Paulin Sterkaj |
1 |
|
1 |
|
|
[Astrit Bushati]. Der skal holdes omvalg 21.8. ... Omvalget blev vundet af Astrit Bushati |
2 |
1 |
|
|
|
Ramiz Cobaj |
3 |
1 |
|
|
|
Gilman Bakalli |
4 |
1 |
|
|
|
Arenca Trashani |
5 |
1 |
|
|
|
Jozefina Topalli |
6 |
1 |
|
|
|
Tom Doshi |
7 |
|
1 |
|
|
Nard Ndoka |
8 |
1 |
|
|
|
Rexhep Uka |
9 |
1 |
|
|
|
Aleksander Biberaj |
10 |
1 |
|
|
|
Jemin Gjana |
11 |
1 |
|
|
|
Fatos Hoxha |
12 |
1 |
|
|
|
Aldo Bumci |
13 |
1 |
|
|
|
Prec Zogaj |
14 |
1 |
|
|
|
Gjovalin Prenga |
15 |
1 |
|
|
|
Gjoke Vuksani |
16 |
1 |
|
|
|
Pal Dajci |
17 |
1 |
|
|
|
Qemal Minxhozi |
18 |
|
1 |
|
|
Idriz Xhomara |
19 |
1 |
|
|
|
Sali Shehu |
20 |
1 |
|
|
|
Rahim Kaleci |
21 |
1 |
|
|
|
Sadri Abazi |
22 |
|
1 |
|
|
Shkelqim Ziri |
23 |
1 |
|
|
|
Ndricin Babasi |
24 |
1 |
|
|
|
Sami Gjergji |
25 |
1 |
|
|
|
Sokol Olldashi |
26 |
1 |
|
|
|
Florjan Bajramaj |
27 |
1 |
|
|
|
Ferdinand Xhaferri |
28 |
1 |
|
|
|
Gazmend Oketa |
29 |
1 |
|
|
|
Genc Juka |
30 |
1 |
|
|
|
Bamir Topi |
31 |
1 |
|
|
|
Besnik Mustafaj |
32 |
1 |
|
|
|
Lulzim Basha |
33 |
1 |
|
|
|
Bujar Nishani |
34 |
1 |
|
|
|
Ermelinda Meksi |
35 |
|
1 |
|
|
Andis Harasani |
36 |
|
1 |
|
|
Shpëtim Idrizi |
37 |
|
1 |
|
|
Ylli Pango |
38 |
1 |
|
|
|
Majlinda Bregu |
39 |
1 |
|
|
|
Gezim Karapici |
40 |
1 |
|
|
|
Spartak Ngjela |
41 |
1 |
|
|
|
Musa Ulqini |
42 |
|
1 |
|
|
Safet Sulaj |
43 |
1 |
|
|
|
Astrit Patozi |
44 |
1 |
|
|
|
Leonoard Demi |
45 |
1 |
|
|
|
Durim Lamaj |
46 |
|
1 |
|
|
Baki Shehi |
47 |
1 |
|
|
|
Sali Berisha |
48 |
1 |
|
|
|
Engjell Cara |
49 |
1 |
|
|
|
Luan Skuqi |
50 |
1 |
|
|
|
Dashnor Sula |
51 |
1 |
|
|
|
Durim Hushi |
52 |
|
1 |
|
|
Taulant Dedja |
53 |
|
1 |
|
|
Aurel Bylykbashi |
54 |
|
1 |
|
|
Bukurosh Stafa |
55 |
|
1 |
|
|
Valentina Leskaj |
56 |
|
1 |
|
|
Namik Dokle |
57 |
|
1 |
|
|
Ndricim Hysa |
58 |
|
1 |
|
|
Elmaz Sherifi |
59 |
|
1 |
|
|
Taulant Balla |
60 |
|
1 |
|
|
Rrapush Tola |
61 |
|
1 |
|
|
Blerim Cela |
62 |
1 |
|
|
|
Mevlan Xhindoli |
63 |
1 |
|
|
|
Ilir Bano [CEC har ikke lagt tal på internettet så sent som 7.7. kl. 6:30]. ... Omvalg 21.8., som Bano vandt |
64 |
1 |
|
|
|
Arta Dade |
65 |
|
1 |
|
|
Arlbert Caci |
66 |
|
1 |
|
|
Petri Koci |
67 |
|
1 |
|
|
Fatmir Xhindi |
68 |
|
1 |
|
|
Ylli Bufi |
69 |
|
1 |
|
|
Blendi Klosi [CEC havde ikke lagt tal på internettet så sent som 7.7. kl. 6:30] |
70 |
|
1 |
|
|
Fatos Beja [CEC havde ikke lagt tal på internettet så sent som 7.7. kl. 6:30] |
71 |
1 |
|
|
|
Rajmonda Stefa |
72 |
|
1 |
|
|
Kastriot Islami [Artur Shehu havde næsten lige så mange stemmer og fik mandatet i første omgang: en retslig myndighed har givet Islami mandatet i stedet] |
72 |
|
1 |
|
|
Mehmet Xheka |
74 |
1 |
|
|
|
Erion Brace |
75 |
|
1 |
|
|
Marko Bello |
76 |
|
1 |
|
|
Luan Memushi |
77 |
|
1 |
|
|
Bashkim Fino |
78 |
|
1 |
|
|
Ilir Meta |
79 |
|
|
1 |
LSI |
Ben Blushi |
80 |
|
1 |
|
|
Ridvan Bode |
81 |
1 |
|
|
|
Pandeli Majko |
82 |
|
1 |
|
|
Ilir Rusmajli |
83 |
1 |
|
|
|
Edmond Spaho |
84 |
1 |
|
|
|
Fatmir Xhafa |
85 |
|
1 |
|
|
Besnik Jacelli |
86 |
1 |
|
|
|
Mehmet Hoxha |
87 |
1 |
|
|
|
Alfred Dalipi |
88 |
|
1 |
|
|
Flamur Hoxha |
89 |
|
1 |
|
|
Genci Ruli. Omvalg 21.8., som Ruli vandt |
90 |
1 |
|
|
|
Gramoz Ruci |
91 |
|
1 |
|
|
Vangjel Tavo [6.7.: Actually, the ballot counting process in the Election Zone no. 92 continues to be in a deadlock. The CEC is trying to end the ballot counting process in this zone and make possible the delivery of election materials to the CEC]. Valgresultatet forelå 10.7. |
92 |
|
1 |
|
Arben Malaj |
93 |
|
1 |
|
|
Bujar Leskaj |
94 |
1 |
|
|
|
Arben Isaraj |
95 |
|
1 |
|
|
Ardian Kolozi |
96 |
1 |
|
|
|
Besnik Dervishi |
97 |
|
1 |
|
|
Spiro Peci |
98 |
|
|
1 |
Pavarur [uafhængig] |
Fatos Nano |
99 |
|
1 |
|
|
Stefan Cipa |
100 |
|
1 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
I alt |
|
55 |
43 |
2 |
100 |
|
|
PD |
PS |
Andre |
I alt |
Udtalelser fra de Internationale Observatører, den Amerikanske Ambassade, Præsident Moisiu m.fl.
[4.7. kl. 16:00] De Internationale Observatører synes at være behersket positive, se nærmere nedenfor.
Den Amerikanske Ambassade har samme dag udsendt flg. udtalelse:
3.7.2005: Tv USA's Ambassadør Marcie Ries, derefter Præsident Moisiu og den Amerikanske Kongresmand Eliot Engel. Engel er leder af en gruppe Amerikanske observatører.
The United States welcomes the commitment to democratic development shown by the people of Albania on election day. We are encouraged that so many Albanians chose to exercise their right to vote for the leadership of their country, and that elections were held in a positive atmosphere.
We are aware that the election process was marked by some problems. The critical final period will be an important one for measuring progress, and we urge that all persons and political parties faithfully adhere to the electoral code and Code of Conduct and follow appropriate legal procedures. We call on all political forces to work together in a spirit of cooperation to form a new government that will undertake the reforms necessary to advance Albania's integration into the Euro-Atlantic community.
5.7. Præsident Moisiu har haft besøg af politidirektør Bajram Ibraj.
Præsidentkontoret har udsendt flg.:
The President of the Republic, Alfred Moisiu held a meeting with the General Director of State Police, Director Bajram Ibraj. President Moisiu praised the work of the State Police in the parliamentary election process. By respecting the law, the Electoral Code and the guidelines of the Central Elections Commission on the role of this structure in the elections, it was pointed out that the State Police, with some very minor exceptions, is demonstrating that this structure is consolidating its physiognomy in the service of the securing the public order and the calmness for the citizens.
Continuing, the President of the Republic, Alfred Moisiu advised that these structures to increase their efficiency in the fight against crime, especially during the post-electoral period. Mr. Moisiu paused on the events of the last days and recommended that the authors of those criminal acts must be caught and brought in front of justice as soon as possible. The police structures must continue their normal work upholding the law, regardless of the latest political developments of the country assuring them at the mean time about his Constitutional support.
On his part, the General Director of the State Police, Director Ibraj thanked the President of the Republic, about the appreciation of the police role during these elections, about the continuous support that he has enjoyed from Mr. Moisiu as the head of state and expressed his commitment to always uphold the law and fulfilling of the duties.
Erklæring fra Præsidenten 6.7.2005:
The July 3 parliamentary elections were an important event in the path of the progress of Albanian democracy. They were conducted normally, in a competing manner, with a high voters’ participation and in the spirit required by the standards for free and democratic elections.
On this occasion I would like express the solemn gratitude to the entire Albanian people, especially to the young generations, who through the massive participation in the elections and their behavior demonstrated a high level of citizenship and conveyed a major and civil message to the politics. I also appreciate the work and the dedication of the independent institutions involved in the electoral process, the efforts of the political forces to respect the standards and also the irreplaceable role of the written and visual media.
The electoral campaign and the elections’ day belong to the determination of the Albanians to leave behind the contested and problematic electoral processes. That is why all, especially the politics that they owe a lot to their people and must not allow this process to be stained, must realize it. The period of administering of the votes, this time marked a positive development with their numbering in the zonal centers; however it did not escaped from the delays and criticism, which are mainly tied to technical problems and in some cases to the intervention of politics. The political parties and the candidates have the right to follow the legal way of complaining the same as they have the political and legal obligation to respect the rulings of the responsible institutions.
Appreciating the work of the Central Electoral Commission and the Electoral Panel up to the elections’ day, I appeal to them that during this conclusive phase of the electoral process to be professionals, transparent and impartial in the fair and quick reviewing of the complains. On this occasion I invite the political parties to demonstrate self-restrain and responsibility, to not forget the commitments taken upon through the signing of the Code of Conduct and to not threaten the integrity of the electoral process.
Albania needs stability and rapid democratic progress, and that is why I appeal to all the political forces that in compliance to the final results of the elections and to the known democratic norms to engage in the founding of the parliament and the new government. The citizens have spoken already. They expect their will to be respected. I appeal to the state institutions and to the administration to continue the work with the required responsibility that does not allow the creation of the vacuum in fulfilling the legal obligations towards the state and the citizens.
7.7.2005 Udtalelse i OSCE af den Amerikanske Diplomat Paul Jones:
Albanian Elections Show Commitment to Democratic Development
U.S. diplomat Paul Jones addresses OSCE Permanent Council
The United States praised the “commitment to democratic development” shown during
the July 3 parliamentary elections in Albania, but also noted that some technical problems remain in the election process.
In remarks before the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE)
Permanent Council July 7, U.S. diplomat Paul Jones said the United States commends the Albanian Central Election Committee “for its largely professional and transparent efforts in conducting the election.”
He took note, however, of the preliminary conclusions of the OSCE’s International
Election Observation Mission, which cited technical problems related to voter
identification and to overcrowding at the polls. “The current election system will remain prone to abuse until Albania fully addresses these problems,” said Jones.
The United States urged that the process of certifying the election results “be completed without delay.”
Following is the text of Jones’ remarks to the OSCE Permanent Council:
United States Mission to the OSCE
STATEMENT ON THE CONDUCT OF THE JULY 3 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN ALBANIA
As delivered by Chargé d'Affaires Paul Jones to the Permanent Council, Vienna
July 7, 2005
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The United States welcomes the commitment to democratic development shown by the
people of Albania in the July 3rd parliamentary elections. We are encouraged that so many Albanians chose to exercise their right to vote for the leadership of their country.
We would like to commend the Central Election Committee for its largely professional and transparent efforts in conducting the election, and the police for their restrained behavior before and during the election process.
At the same time, it is clear that the election process suffered from certain technical problems, as noted in the International Election Observation Mission's preliminary conclusions.
Voters endured unacceptable overcrowding and delays in casting their votes, while
polling stations in many cases incorrectly followed procedures designed to ensure the identity of voters and prevent multiple voting.
The issuance and use of birth certificates in the voter identification process was
problematic, as well as the absence of a uniform country-wide address system and
standardized personal identification documents.
We agree that the current election system will remain prone to abuse until Albania fully addresses these problems.
We urge that the process of certifying the results of the election be completed without delay.
The United States fully agrees that any disputes over the election results be referred to the relevant Albanian bodies and that their independent decisions be fully respected. We urge that all legal challenges be resolved expeditiously and fairly, and that these decisions be fully respected.
The United States would like to express its gratitude to the over 400 observers who
participated in the OSCE-organized International Election Observation Mission.
Finally, we would also like to praise the efforts and dedication of the 120 men and
women who work year round in the OSCE's Presence in Albania. We call upon Albania's
political leadership to fully utilize their talents, energy, and commitment to help the country move further along the path of reform.
Thank you Mr. Chairman
Valgets forberedelse. Baggrundsmateriale. Forhistorien
Oversigt
Udlandet
Gallup'er
Det Albanske valgsystem
Valgreglerne (uddrag)
Domstolenes opgaver
Politiets opgaver
Præsident Moisiu holder afsluttende formaningstale 1.7.2005
Valget i kreds 18, Dibra
ODIHR/OSCE: De Internationale Observatører
Udtalelse 4.7.2005
Links om valget
Forhistorien
Aktuelle baggrundslinks
Oversigt
OSCE: Valgzonerne. Klik på kortet hvis du vil downloade det som PDF-fil fra OSCE. Kortet kan (på skærmen) forstørres og formindskes når man er »i« Acrobat Reader - se udsnittet længere nede af Dibra-området. Kortet kan også udprintes; det kan i så fald anbefales at stille printeren til 'fit to printer margins', 'tilpas til papir' eller tilsvarende.
De fleste partier har fordelt sig i to store grupper. Én gruppe samarbejder med Socialistpartiet - der ledes af Fatos Nano.
Billedet ovenfor er fra Elbasan 27.6.2005; det illustrerer at man på venstrefløjen både stiller op som individuelle partier når det drejer sig om kredsmandaterne og samarbejder om de proportionelle mandater (se ndf.). I midten ses PM Fatos Nano. Fra venstre ses bl.a. Neritan Ceka (Demokratisk Alliance), tidl. udenrigsminister Paskal Milo (som er brudt ud fra Socialdemokratiet i utilfredshed med Skënder Gjinushi's politik) og vicepremierminister Namik Dokle (Socialisterne). Th for Nano ses tidligere arbejdsminister Valentina Leskaj (Socialisterne) og Skënder Gjinushi (Socialdemokratiet).
En anden mere borgerlig gruppe samarbejder med Demokraterne - der ledes af tidligere præsident Sali Berisha (se billedet ovenfor).
Nogle forsøger at stå relativt frit som Ilir Meta's Integrations-Socialister. Hvis Meta's parti får nogle mandater, kan de komme til at spille en betydningsfuld rolle, når der skal dannes regering.
Vælgerne: Mange af vælgerne vil formentlig stemme som de plejer, omend nok i lidt mindre grad end i 1990'erne. Om man støtter den ene gruppe eller den anden kan være politisk bestemt, men undertiden skyldes det at man har størst tillid til den ene eller anden side af lokale, klanmæssige eller personlige grunde.
Ved de tidligere valg har der været en del problemer med valglisterne, fx fordi mange af dem der var flyttet til de store byer, men som boede i illegale boliger, ikke var blevet behørigt registreret. Ved dette valg er mulighederne for selv at kontrollere om man er registreret korrekt bedre end tidligere (se: http://80.78.67.16/).
Den Centrale Valgkommission har 1.7.2005 udsendt flg.:
CEC – Decision to eliminate abuses with birth certificates to be used for voters identification
[01.07.2005] The chairman of the Central Election Commission, Ilirjan Celibashi, issued the following statement in a press release on Friday: “During the last days, the CEC has been trying to solve the issue of certificates and the solution consisted in having a secure and reliable process by all the parties. For that reason, the CEC has taken a series of decisions and today it passed the last decision, by which we believe to have finally dismissed any potential doubts or abuses with the issue of certificates.
According to the CEC decisions on the Albanian citizens who will go to the polls with a birth certificate and a photo, if there will be doubts about their identity, the VCC has the right to require, besides the certificate, one of the following documents: drivers’ license, passport, which could also be invalid, university diploma, high school diploma, license of exercising the business activity, military record, various identity cards issued by state institutions and other personal documents with a photo.
This will not be necessarily required to all the voters who will go to vote with a certificate, but, if at least two members of the Voting Center Commission have doubts on the identity of the respective voters, then this voter is obliged to submit one of the additional documents.
We kindly ask all the voters who are voting with a birth certificate, to keep one of the above identification documents with them. It is not that the VCC needs and should require these additional documents; that is only in case when there are suspicions on their identity. If the voter goes to vote with a passport or ID, this rule does not apply.
If the voter refuses to show the additional documents in case there are doubts, then he will not be allowed to vote. We ask the voters to understand that this rule is to their benefit and that of the process, because we do not want to conduct an election process which will be contested by parties and a result that will not be recognized.
We want to eliminate not only all reasons for contesting the elections, but also all justifications related to this context. The latest solution is also a thorough solution and if it will be properly applied, I think it will guarantee the process”.
Tonen: Efter at valget blev udskrevet blev der - under præsident Moisiu's forsæde - indgået en aftale om 'god tone'. Til at begynde med har de fleste fulgt disse regler, men efterhånden som valgdagen nærmer sig, er tonen i nogle af kredsene blevet skarpere - og siges det fra forskellig side: kritisabel.
Præsident Moisiu har haft partilederne på besøg for at forhøre sig om valgkampen og for at præcisere at aftalen om god tone skal respekteres. Præsidentkontoret skriver:
June 28, 2005
Asked by the media regarding the complains that the political parties and various candidates have addressed during the last days to President Moisiu, the Spokesmen of the President declared that:
The President of the Republic, Alfred Moisiu in coherence with his constitutional responsibilities and function, is following up close all the progress of the electoral campaign. During the direct meetings with the political forces and the heads of the main institutions in the country, President Moisiu has treated all the problems of the campaign in order for Albania in July 3 to successfully realize free, fair and democratic elections.
Once again, President Moisiu reiterates the need for the political parties, the candidates and their staffs, with calm and self-control to fully respect the moral commitments expressed in the Code of Conduct and also the legal engagements that come out from the Electoral Code and the Constitution of Albania.
President Moisiu also appeals to the independent institutions, especially the State Police, Courts, Prosecutor Office, State Intelligence Service, Army and Central Election Commission to fulfill their obligations by showing maximal impartiality, commitment and responsibility in upholding the requirements of the law. The President of the Republic, Alfred Moisiu calls on them to act quickly and with full transparency in front of the public towards every complaint coming from the electoral political parties and their candidates and asks the same from the later ones to be correct in the relations with the institutions and the public.
Præsidenten har haft møde med repræsentanter for forskellige NGO'er.
Præsidentkontoret har udsendt flg.:
17.6.2005 President Moisiu meets the civil society representatives engaged in the electoral process.
The President of the Republic, Alfred Moisiu received today in the morning the representatives of a few non-profit organizations engaged in the electoral process – Pjerin Marku, Head of the Anticorruption Coalition, Gerta Meta, President of the Association for Democratic Culture, Vasilika Hysi, Executive Director of the Albanian Helsinki Committee and Kristaq Kume, Director of the Institution for Elections.
President Moisiu stressed the importance of July 3 elections and called positive the fact of the great number of the Albanian observers in the elections. This shows that the civil society and the civil responsibilities in our country are at the required level.
Pointing out the importance of the presence of ODHIR/OSCE and Council of Europe observers, President Moisiu emphasized the fact that they after the publishing of the final report will leave Albania, while our observers will remain because they live here.
“By having Albanian observers in the elections, we can found a positive tradition and a contingent of capable and professional people to take on responsibilities even in the future. We will hold local elections in 2006 so your observers will have the opportunity to use and enhance the level of their work.”
President Moisiu emphasized that the observers of Albanian NGO-s must be trained at the right level and to be well-informed about all the details of electoral procedures. They must be impartial and be an active part of the contribution for free and fair elections.
The Head of State suggested that the observing groups, regardless of the fact that their main work is done on the elections’ day, to state their preliminary observations about the progress of the electoral process, because their word influences on the work improvement. Mr. Moisiu invited them to observe and assist the full implementation of the Code of Conduct within the means that they have. “The elections must not be good only technically, but they must be also based on civil values and a strong and credible morality” – stated President Moisiu who also suggested that the NGO-s must actively collaborate with the Central Elections Commission, with the zonal commissions, with the international observing groups in the campaign in order for their effect to be positive and the final evaluation as clear as possible.
“You have my full support about your activity in the honest and professional monitoring of the electoral process, of the elections’ day and pre-electoral period.” – stated President Moisiu.
The interlocutors appreciated the attention of President Moisiu to their engagement in this very important process and stressed that the monitoring that they will realize will not be that of an only one organization, but of a large group to precede also the political prejudices. Their aim is one wide and quit observation, a premise to lower the number of foreign observers in future elections and the increase of the trust of the Albanian voters in the civil society. According to the civil society representatives, the document compiled by them about these elections will be referral. They pointed out that a great number of 3300 independent observers will be present in all the prefectures, thus covering 60% of the voting and numbering centers, by qualitatively monitoring them and they will publicly inform on the progress of the process through a system of coordination. At the mean time it was emphasized that the observers, who are mainly students, have been trained and an observer’s ethic code has been prepared for them. During the talks they pointed out other problems too that they have come across.
Udlandet har lagt stort pres på de Albanske politikere for at dette valg bliver korrekt afviklet. Jf. udtalelser nedenfor af den Amerikanske ambassadør i Albanien, Marcie Ries - og af vicetalsmand Adam Ereli (Udenrigsministeriet). Selveste CIA-direktør Porter J. Goss lagde vejen forbi 27.6.2005:
28 June 2005 Remarks by U.S. Ambassador Marcie B. Ries
Roundtable on Free and Fair Elections
Albanian Institute for International Studies
Thank you very much. Thank you, Albert, and thank you to the Institute for hosting this activity, which is a very important part of holding a democratic election.
I think we all know that the elections this Sunday are critical for Albania to continue on its path of democratic development.
The conduct of these elections, and whether they meet international standards, will also determine in a large way Albania's progress toward integration into Euro-Atlantic structures.
The U.S. Government is very interested in the elections. We have been following with great interest events related to them, and will continue to do so.
I want to say something that I have said before -- The United States Government does not support any particular party or any particular candidate. Anyone who suggests or pretends otherwise is wrong. What the United States does support is a process conducted in compliance with international standards and one, which represents the will of the Albanian People.
The electoral process involves many actors, including the political parties, the candidates, and most importantly you: the voters.
It is essential that all parties and political leaders respect and adhere to the provisions of their Code of Conduct, a key part of which is acceptance by party leaders and supporters of the results of elections that clearly expresses the will of the Albanian people.
We urge all political party leaders, their candidates, and party supporters to respect the Electoral Law and the Code of Conduct, and to work within the framework and institutions established to govern the conduct of these elections.
The media and civil society also have important responsibilities. Both monitor the process, ensure fair play among all the actors, and encourage citizen participation. Aware of this duty, the U.S. Government, as well as other governments and organizations, has given assistance both for the preparation of the elections and providing information to voters about how to vote. And of course, we will be a part of the monitoring effort.
It is in the interest of Albania -- but also of the U.S. -- that these elections are successful: we enjoy an excellent relationship with Albania and its people; we view Albania as a strong partner, particularly in the War on Terror, as well as in the region. The United States has a vibrant Albanian American community at home. A democratic, prosperous, and stable Albania, with membership in the Euro-Atlantic community in its future is a goal of the United States.
The conduct and result of this process depends considerably on Albanian voters and the power they possess in their vote. Registering to vote, showing up at the polls on July 3rd, and most importantly, voting for the candidate that best represents their interests, is the best way for Albanians to take control of their own future.
Thank you very much.
-
On July 3, Albanian voters will go to the polls. This election represents one of the most important events in Albania since the fall of communism. Elections that meet international standards will be seen by the United States and the international community as evidence that Albania is making clear progress on the road to becoming a full member of the Euro-Atlantic community.
Recently, the leaders of all Albania's political parties signed a code of conduct for the elections. We commend this gesture and believe it is an indicator of how well Albania's political leaders can work together to ensure these elections meet international standards. We are pleased that Albania's political leaders have committed to a democratic, civil, and peaceful campaign. It is essential that all parties and political leaders respect and adhere to the provisions of the code of conduct, a key part of which is acceptance by party leaders and supporters of the results of a free and fair election.
The United States and Albania enjoy excellent relations. We also share common values based on our belief in democracy and the central role played by the rule of law in safeguarding democracy. We urge Albanians and their political parties to use the opportunity presented by the election to demonstrate further Albania's democratic credentials, and keep Albania firmly on the path of entry into Euro-Atlantic Institutions.
Gallup'er: Der har ikke hidtil været tradition for Gallup'er i Albanien, men denne gang har to forskellige Gallup-institutter forsøgt sig, Gallup International på anmodning af Mjaft. Begge institutter mener at det er mest sandsynligt at Demokraterne får de fleste stemmer (35-40%). Næsten lige så mange skulle imidlertid falde på Socialisterne (34-37%), mens omkring 10 procent forventes at falde på Ilir Meta's parti - og resten vil falde på de mange små partier. Flere af dem vil muligvis slet ikke blive repræsenteret fordi de vil ligge under spærregrænsen.
Parties that win less than 2.5 percent and coalitions that win less than 4 percent of the valid votes in the whole country do not benefit from supplemental seats.
Mjaft har 14.7.2005 udsendt pressemeddelelse om valgresultatet ift prognoserne og om relationerne til de to Gallup'er:
Were the Election Polls wrong?
Nano’s answer to the generosity of the American Government, that funded an NDI poll, was a disrespectful ingratitude: Gjergji Koja, the person he had chosen to be the public face of his party, attacked the credibility of NDI, mentioning Milloshevic’s funding. Why? Because the results of the poll were not suited to his boss. The generosity of the British and Dutch governments, funding two MJAFT polls, had the same destiny. But this time, the ingratitude was Nano’s identical twin. The legal conflict between Gallup International (whose branch did the polls in Albania) and Gallup Organization, both of these founded by Dr. George Gallup, served as a cause to attack MJAFT polls.
The fact that Albanian politics attacked the organizations that made the polls, created indignation in the diplomatic circles in Tirana. According to the Albanian-American Gary Kokalari, in the case of the MJAFT polls, even an important American congressman expressed a high indignation towards the attacks made by the Berisha camp. And the indignation of the foreign diplomats was comprehensible, if we take into consideration the fact that it was their money that was being spent to make public polls part of the Albanian democratic culture. But even though this has to do with the standard democratic culture, the two dinosaurs of the Albanian politics, showed that they are provincial politicians.
Since public polls are an important institution of every liberal democracy, and since they have been attacked in Albania from the beginning, it is very important for the accuracy of the pre-elections polls to be analyzed in retrospective, now that the elections are over. The first poll (NDI’s) showed that the vote in proportional would be higher for the Right (DP, National Movement for Development, etc.) than for the Left (SP, Socialist Movement for Integration, etc.). Actually, the real results of the elections showed that the Left got 3 % more than the Right, in proportional (49% the Left, 46 % the Right and 5 % the two parties of the national minorities). However, this inconsistency can be partly explained with the fact that the NDI poll took place before the electoral Congress of the SP, and before starting the electoral battle with Berisha.
The second poll (the first conducted by MJAFT), showed that the balance in proportional had changed, and the Left had 4 points more than the Right. You could not expect a very high accuracy from this poll either; 17 % of the interviewees had refused to answer. Whilst the third poll (the second conducted by MJAFT), deserves a deeper analysis, because it was made public 10 days before the elections and because only 7 % of the potential voters, refused to say their favorite political party.
Combining the answer about the favorite party with the question of the probability of participating in the elections, also spreading in a proportional way the undecided voters, the following table can be compiled, with the analytic data, collected two weeks before the elections, from the branch of Gallup International. And for comparison, the data from the factual counting of the votes in proportional, certified till today from the CEC, are put on the side of the table.
-
|
The poll result, %
|
The actual results
|
%
|
DP & RP
|
39,9
|
Coalition of DP
|
38,5
|
SP
|
37,8
|
Coalition of SP
|
37,4
|
SMI
|
9,9
|
SMI
|
8,4
|
NMD
|
3,2
|
NMD
|
3,4
|
UHMP & others
|
9,2
|
UHMP & others
|
12,4
|
Total
|
100
|
Total
|
100
|
As the table points out, the data based on the analysis of the Gallup International branch, has been very accurate. This way, according to this data, 37 % of the factual voters, would vote SP in proportional. And in fact, 37.3 % voted the coalition lead by this party; a perfect accuracy. And the forecast for the National Movement for Development was very accurate; the foreseen percentage was almost identical with the result. Only the prediction for the DP coalition and SMI did not have perfect accuracy, but it was within the margin of the accepted statistical mistake. As far as the smaller political parties, there is no need to talk about them, since the limit of mistake is +/- 2.6 %.
The above analysis shows that the first public polls done in Albania have passed the accuracy test. For this reason, both political camps have to apologize publicly to the organizations that took the initiative of doing these polls, who instead of congratulating them, attacked them in the most vulgar way. And, if both our political camps would do this, they will give an encouraging sign that they are starting to adapt the democratic culture, which is very necessary to become a part of the continent we live in.
*
WASHINGTON POST
Albanian Advocacy Group Facing a Fight It Didn't Anticipate
By Nora Boustany, July 13, 2005
A civic action and advocacy group in Albania has been caught up in a legal dispute over brand names between the U.S.-based Gallup Organization and a coalition of research companies under the Swiss-based Gallup International Association.
The Gallup Organization is suing the Albanian group Mjaft, or Enough, which was active in the campaign for Albania's national elections July 3, as well as a Bulgarian firm that conducted and published opinion surveys in the Albanian press under the name Gallup International.
A spokesman for the American polling outfit alleged that the Albanian group was exploiting the Gallup name and "infringing on the trademark" for his firm.
Erion Veliaj , executive director of the Albanian group, which is partly funded by the U.S. government, said in an e-mail that it was "a leading watchdog and pressure group" that has worked to combat civic apathy and engage citizens in Albania's political debate. He said the group had approached several polling companies to commission pre-election surveys.
"We wanted to measure public sentiments, priorities and needs. Gallup Organization never replied to our inquiry," he wrote. "Gallup International . . . were the only ones fit for the job." He said the company had been previously hired in the region by the U.S. Agency for International Development, the United Nations, Amnesty International and other agencies.
Chris Stewart , the California-based global brand manager for the Gallup Organization, said his firm was approached at first but declined, telling Veliaj's group that its strict policy bars it from providing advocacy or special interest groups with surveys.
"We attempted to get an injunction in the court, but it was too slow. We are going to go ahead as soon as we can get a judge to pay attention," he said.
Veliaj said he learned of the dispute only through the Web.
"We consider this is an issue between the two companies to solve, not between companies and the poll clients," he said. "It seems like a youth movement in Albania makes for an easier prey than the multinational bodies."
Det Albanske Valgsystem
Parlamentet har 140 medlemmer. De 100 er valgt på kredsmandater, de 40 på proportionelle mandater.
De store partier har opstillet en kandidat i hver af kredsene; de små partier har i nogle tilfælde opstillet kandidater i kredsene, men satser på at få en andel af de proportionelle kandidater.
De proportionelle kandidater bruges til at »justere« med og til at tilgodese partier der ikke har fået et antal kredsmandater der svarer til partiets procentuelle vælgertilslutning på landsplan.
Hvis et parti allerede ved fordelingen af kredsmandater har fået et antal mandater der svarer til partiets procentuelle vælgertilsluting på landsplan, tildeles der ikke partiet mandater af den proportionelle pulje. (Har et parti opnået et kredsmandat, kan der selv sagt ikke røres ved dét).
Ved valget i 2001 fik Socialisterne deres mandater som kredsmandater, mens Demokraterne fik relativt mange proportionelle mandater.
Valgreglernes §§ 66-68:
Article 66
Election of Deputies in Single-Member Zones
1. The candidate who wins the largest number of valid votes of the voters who have
taken part in the voting in a single-member zone is considered elected the deputy of that zone to the Assembly.
2. When two or more candidates win an equal number of votes, a drawing of lots is
organized to decide the winning candidate. The drawing is organized by the CEC, in a public session with the participation of the candidates. The rules of the drawing are determined by the CEC.
Article 67
Allocation of Supplemental Mandates
Forty supplemental seats are allocated to political parties and coalitions of parties, in accordance with the results only of the voting conducted on election day and according to the following rules:
a) Parties that win less than 2.5 percent and coalitions that win less than 4 percent of the valid votes in the whole country do not benefit from supplemental seats. In order to establish the percentage of a coalition that submits a composed multi-name list, the total number of valid votes of the coalition is determined by summing up the votes obtained separately by each party or coalition in the proportional voting section of the ballot paper.
b) The number of valid votes won by each party or coalition meeting the respective
threshold is divided by the sum of valid votes they have obtained in the whole country, and the result is multiplied by 140. Each of these parties or coalitions is allocated initially a general number of seats equal to the whole number obtained by the above-mentioned calculation. The remaining seats are allocated to the subjects with the largest remainders. In case the remainders for the last seat are equal, lots are drawn.
c) In order to determine the number of supplemental seats to be allocated to each party or coalition, the number of seats won in single-member zones is deducted from the number of seats allocated to each party or coalition according to letter (b) of this article. If the difference is negative or zero, the respective party or coalition keeps only the seats won in single-member zones.
ç) Notwithstanding letter (b), if:
i) independent candidates are elected in one or more single-member zones;
ii) parties or coalitions that do not meet the respective threshold win seats in one or more single-member zones; or
iii) parties or coalitions that meet the respective threshold win more seats in singlemember zones than they are entitled to on the basis of letter (b), then the following formula applies to the allocation of supplemental seats to parties or
coalitions for which the difference according to letter (c) is positive:
N = (A – B) [40/(40 + C)], where N is the number of supplemental seats gained by each party or coalition, A is the number of seats allocated to each party or coalition according to letter (b), B is the number of seats they won in single-member zones, and C is the total number of seats won according to points (i), (ii), and (iii) of this letter (in the case of point iii, only the excess is added). Each of these parties and coalitions is allocated initially as many seats as
the whole number obtained by this calculation. The seats that remain are allocated to the subjects with the largest remainders, in descending order. In case the remainders for the last seat are equal, lots are drawn.
d) Deputies are elected from the multi-name lists of parties or party coalitions according to their respective order;
dh) If the number of candidates on a multi-name list of a political party or coalition is smaller than the number of seats to which that party or coalition is entitled according to this article, the unfilled seats are divided among the other parties and coalitions of parties that exceed the respective threshold in accordance with the following formula:
The number of valid votes won by each of the above parties or coalitions is divided by the total of the valid votes won by them, and the result is multiplied by the number of unfilled seats. A number of supplemental seats equal to the whole number that results from the above calculation is initially allocated to each of these parties or coalitions. The seats that remain are allocated to the parties or coalitions with the largest decimal remainders. If the decimal remainders for the last seat are equal, lots are drawn.
Article 68
Allocation of Supplemental Mandates to the Parties and Coalitions with
Composed Multi-name List
After the calculation of the number of supplemental mandates that a coalition with
composed multi-name lists obtains according to article 67 of this Code, the supplemental mandates for each member party of the coalition are allocated in the following manner:
a) The number of the valid votes won by each coalition member party is divided by the sum of the valid votes obtained on the national level by the parties and coalitions that reach the respective threshold and the result is multiplied by 140. The result is multiplied by the ratio of the number of seats obtained by the coalition according to the calculations prescribed in article 67, to the number of seats that the coalition could win according to the calculation prescribed in article 67 section 1, letter (b). Each of the parties participating in a coalition is initially allocated a general number of seats equal to the whole number obtained by the calculation above. The remaining seats, up to the number of seats won by the coalition, are allocated to the participating parties with the largest decimal remainders. In case the remainders for the last mandate are equal, lots are drawn;
b) In order to determine the number of supplemental seats obtained by each coalition party, the number of seats in single-member zone won by each of these parties is deducted from the number of seats allocated to the parties according to letter (a) of this article. If the difference is negative or zero, the respective party does not benefit from the allocation of supplemental mandates.
c) If coalition member parties win more seats in single-member zones than they are
entitled to on the basis of letter (a), then the allocation of the supplemental seats to coalition member parties for which the difference according to letter (b) is positive, is made according to the following formula: N= (A-B) K/D; where:
N is the number of supplemental seats that the party receives; A is the number of seats allocated to the party according to letter (a); B is the number of seats won by them in single-member zones; K is the number of the supplemental seats the coalition receives according to article 67; D is the sum of the positive differences calculated according to letter (b);
ç) Each of these parties is allocated initially a number of seats equal to the full number obtained through the above-mentioned calculation. The remaining seats, up to the completion of the number of seats allocated to the coalition during the allocation of the supplemental mandates, are allocated to these parties according to thelargest decimal remainders. In case the remainders for the last seat are equal, lots are drawn.
To stemmesedler [Uddrag af Valgreglerne, § 90]
1. For elections to the Assembly, a voter votes with two ballot papers of different
colors: one for the candidates who are competing directly in the zone and the other for the political parties and coalitions that are competing in those elections. The ballot paper for political parties and coalitions is the same in its form and content for all electoral zones.
Domstolenes opgaver. Præsidentkontoret har 16.6.2005 udsendt flg.:
President Moisiu appeals to the courts to fulfill the legal obligations for registering of the voters.
The President of the Republic, Alfred Moisiu and the Head of the Supreme Justice Council, Alfred Moisiu chaired toady the SJC meeting of the turn.
In the opening speech, President Moisiu addressed the courts of the judicial circles regarding their role in the electoral process.
“The Electoral Code foresees only one legal obligation for the courts: the evaluation of the citizens’ requests for registration in the final voters lists. Now that the preparation, compilation and approval process of the voters’ lists has concluded, the citizens’ who do not find their names in the voters’ lists have the legal right to go in front of the courts and demand the inclusion in the list.” – stated President Moisiu.
The Head of State stated that all already knows the procedures. The citizens go to courts when they do not find their names published at the voting centers. The court examines and decides about the request of the citizens. The law enables the citizen to exercise this right up to twenty-four hours before the voting.
“In behalf of the Supreme Justice Council I call on the courts of judicial circles to fulfill this legal obligation with transparency, responsibility and professionalism. They must take all the necessary technical and administrative measures to facilitate the process and to help with quickness and correctness the examination and decision-making on the presented requests. The delaying and neglecting in fulfilling this legal duty must not be tolerated.” – stated President Moisiu who addressed the voting citizens to check whether they are registered in the final voters’ lists.
“If somebody does not find the name in these lists, I call on them to use their legal right to go to court. Alongside the constitutional rights, the citizens have also moral obligations and civil responsibility to fulfill their role in a democratic and civilized society through the active participation in voting.” – emphasized Mr. Moisiu.
Politiets opgaver
Politidirektør Bajram Ibraj i midten ved et møde i slutningen af juni 2005
Politiministeriet og Statspolitiet har udsendt flg.:
[1.7.2005] General Directorate of State Police will be transparent during all the electoral process
General Directorate of State Police, in the framework of the transparency with the community and the public, through the Press Releases or the Notifications done for the Media, will be very open and transparent, especially during the last day before the day of elections.
As it is specified in the Electoral Code, today is the last day of the electoral campaign and after that it begins the electoral silence, that’s why this has been the last day of the meetings and gatherings of the electoral subjects.
All the electoral meetings held by the political subjects, State Police has taken the necessary measures to guarantee public order and to ensure the normal development of these activities which are organized during all day long.
By an Order issued by the Minister of Public Order, beginning from 12.00 o’clock midday of July 1, 2005, all the central and local police structures will be in an ‘enforced service’ till to a second Order of the Minister.
The Services of State Police till 22.00 o’clock of July 1, 2005, rapport that
· The electoral activities of July 1, 2005 are held without causing problems for public security.
· The distribution of the electoral materials to the Local Electoral Commissions at the 12 Districts of the country is accompanied by the services of Patrolling Police and there have been no problems at all.
The electoral campaign which has started a month before the specification by the Electoral Code, has been a quiet campaign in connection with public order and public security, meanwhile the signed incidents during this electoral process were accompanied by quarrel, bad language between the electoral staff of the candidates of the parliamentary members.
About all the above mentioned cases, State Police has done its duty by verifying the incidents as well as the legal documentation of those persons about which there was represented or sent for denouncement, but there have been no cases where police employees were involved or implicated in these incidents. State Police has implemented with correctness the Law and only the Law.
Beginning from April 1, 2005 till July 1, 2005, there are held in total 2 787
electoral activities, where there are involved in service 16 251 police forces. For the same period of time there are evidenced from State Police 50 incidents and claims for incidents, which are assessed and examined by Police. Police has done all the actions in order to verify the legal documentation. About 30 incidents the materials are sent to the Prosecutor’s Office.
The Services of State Police which till now have implemented the Law will continue to be professional, having the right ethic, till the end of the electoral process of the year 2005.
We would like to inform that during the 2-nd and the 3-d of July, the communication with media will be a continuous communication not only at the General Directorate of State Police, but also at the 12 Police Directorates in the Districts.
General Directorate of State Police
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[27.6.2005] State Police is fully committed to guarantee a quiet electoral campaign, a campaign without problems about public order and public security
General Directorate of State Police, for the implementation of the legal and functional obligations, it is fully committed with all its structures to guarantee a quiet electoral campaign, without problems for public order and public security.
As a result of this institutional commitment, since the beginning of this campaign up to now, it is not signed any important incident or any criminal event which would impinge the integrity of the elections.
In this context, the General Directorate of State Police demolishes the accusations done by different political forces, according to which there are being used the Special Forces or other police structures to intervene at the electoral process.
State Police has already entered in its road, without going back, toward its full impartiality and reform, a road which has only one important aim that means the full implementation of the law. This is our duty and our only commitment. Being convinced on this commitment, all the State Police employees, in all the levels, beginning from the higher-ranking role up to the most simple police employee are fully determined to continue in this way.
A the same time the structures of State Police are assessing with concern and
seriousness the information that there are some incriminated persons or elements with police precedents, in some cases persons who come from abroad who are involved in the electoral campaign or in the closest personnel of some of the candidates for parliamentary members.
We demand from the political forces not to provoke the employees of State Police by their declarations. The State Police employees are not servants of politics, but they serve to the law and to the citizens of this country.
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[21.6.2005] It is signed the Memorandum of Understanding with PAMECA for the personnel of PAMECA who will be involved during the elections of 3 of July 2005 in the Districts of Albania
Today, on 21 of June 2005, it is signed the Memorandum of Understanding between the General Directorate of State Police and Police Mission of PAMECA, taking into consideration and based on the Memorandum of Understanding between the Government of Republic of Albania and the European Community “On the statute of the Mission of Police Assistance of the European Community in Albania”.
On behalf of the General Directorate of State Police this Memorandum of Understanding was signed by the General Director of State Police, High Commissioner Bajram IBRAJ, and on behalf of PAMECA Mission it was signed by the Head of this Mission, Mr. Klaus SCHMIDT.
Based on the objectives of the Program of PAMECA Mission to assist State Police in improving the police professionalism and the police responsibility, as well as getting assistance from PAMECA Mission, through offering advice and orientations for police services in the framework of holding parliamentary elections of 3 July 2005, it was agreed:
To attach the personnel of PAMECA Police Mission at each Police Directorate in the Districts during the elections day;
The General Directorate of State Police will appoint a director at each Police Directorate who will work in close cooperation with the personnel of PAMECA Mission at each of 12 districts in the country on 3 of July;
The personnel of PAMECA Mission will be involved and will assist the Police Directorates in the Districts, where their duty is to give advice and to support State Police;
The personnel of PAMECA Mission will implement and be in full compliance with the regulations and norms established for State Police.
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[21.6.2005] State Police has taken all the measures to guarantee public order and public security during the electoral process
Tirana, on 21, June 2005
State Police, for the implementation of its duties specified for the General Elections of 3 July 2005, has taken special measures in order to guarantee public order for the period before, during and after the finalization of this process.
The Implementation of the Action Plan “On the Structures of the Ministry of Public Order, aiming to provide normalization of the electoral process, July 2005”; the Plan of Measures “On organizing the State Police Services for the General Elections 2005”; the Program “On cooperation with media and police transparency in the framework of the electoral campaign”, organizing different training courses for the police personnel, involvement of the police services during the activities, all these testimony the measures taken by the Ministry of Public Order and by the General Directorate of State Police, in order to accomplish all the legal obligations in this electoral process.
For the period 1 April-19 June 2005, there are registered 1636 electoral activities organized all over the territory of the country. These activities are covered with police services where there are involved 8521 employees of State police. In the electoral activities organized till now, there are not evidenced problems in connection with public order, but there has been e concern in some cases when the local police was not informed on the proper time for the organizing of the electoral activities by the part of the organizers of these activities.
In the Law “On Gatherings” it is specified the obligation of the organizers or the leaders of the gathering to notify in a written form the Head of Police Commissariat about the hording of any gathering. The General Directorate of State Police requests from all the electoral subjects, participants in this electoral process, to implement the law and to inform the police about the electoral activities, so that to take the proper measures for the normal development of these activities as well as to prevent any incident or criminal event.
State Police has accomplished all its actions conform the law in those cases when there were evidenced incidents, police has documented the anti-legal activity of the responsible persons and these issues were sent to the Prosecutor’s Office.
Among the evidenced incidents from police, we can mention:
-After the denouncement made by the Chairman of the Municipal Unit No. 2 in Tirana, Perparim Bodinaku, that in the offices of this Unit, persons leaded by the candidate for parliamentary member Ylli Pango, have prohibited the work and have exercised psychological pressure over the employees of the Unit. The Police Directorate of Tirana District has done all the procedural acts and has started the penal procedure ”on disputing the police employee who is accomplishing a state duty or a public service”, and all the evidence was sent to the Prosecutor’s Office.
-On 5 June 2005, after the denouncement done to the police from the candidate for member of parliament Spartak Ngjela, by the part of the Police Directorate of Tirana District it is made possible the identification and the apprehension of the citizen Mikel Xhevdet Harizi, who results as the person who broke the glass at the Office of the Electoral Headquarter of this candidate at “Ali Demi” Street, and all the evidence was sent to the prosecutor’s office.
-On 15 June 2005, at 13.00 o’clock the services of Order Police at Police Commissariat No. 1 at the Police Directorate of Tirana District, during the patrolling at the road Tirana-Elbasan, near the bar “ Sofra e Ariut” it was noticed a citizen who was tearing some posters of a political candidate. After the warnings of the police employees, the citizen Geron Ibrahimi was accompanied from police and after consultation he was let free. All the evidence was sent to the Prosecutor’s Office.
-On 19 June 2005, at the Police Commissariat No. 4 at the Police Directorate of Tirana District there were presented and denounced the citizens Albert Ndreca and Besnik Ferro who were in conflict and were bitten with each-other for hanging some electoral posters. The quarrel between them happened near the Electoral Office of the Socialist Party and both persons are members of the Electoral Headquarters of the Democratic Party and of the Socialist Party. All the evidence was sent to Procesutor’s Office.
-On 18 June 2005, from the police staff of the Police Directorate of Shkodra District, it was taken the measure of arrest in flagrance against the citizen Gjergj Kel Daka, 35 years old, because being drunk he has insulted, offended and threatened the candidate for Member of Parliament of the Democratic Party, Valentin Palaj and his Electoral Headquarter, and he has also broke the glass of the front door of the Premises of Dajc Municipality. The Evidence was sent to the Prosecutor’s Office.
-On 18 June 2005, at the village of Hot i Ri, the member of parliament, the candidate Esmeralda Uruci held an electoral meeting at e school of this village were there were taken all the necessary measures from the local police and there didn’t happen any incident or problem, as it was pretended in an article of the newspaper “Gazeta 55” of the date 20 June 2005.
-On 18 June 2005 in Shijak, three persons tried to tear the posters of the candidate for member of parliament Sokol Olldashi and at the same time they tried to break the glass of the building were there were put these posters. Police Directorate of Durres District, right after taking the notification, made all the procedural acts and it is still continuing its work to make the full documentation of the activity of the offenders of this event.
State Police is committed to implement all its functional duties and obligations and it is not going to tolerate any person who breaks the law.
The General Directorate of State Police will continue to be open and transparent with the community, by reacting in continuation on any problem or situation that may be created.
General Directorate of State Police
Præsident Alfred Moisiu, juli 2005
Præsident Moisiu holder afsluttende formaningstale 1.7.2005
Dear co-citizens,
The day after tomorrow is July 3, the day of the parliamentary elections. There are winners and losers in every election, but on Sunday the fulfillment of the standards for the elections is more important that the result itself. By demonstrating the capability to hold truly free, fair and democratic elections we all win; Albania wins.
July 3 is our major challenge and opportunity to put an end to the long and difficult transition. We have lost plenty of time with contested electoral processes and social and political crisis. Now time has come to turn together a new page for the European Albania, for our families, for our common future.
Dear compatriots,
On July 3 you will become the most powerful people in Albania, because the right to decide is in your hand. During the last thirty days you have had the opportunity to listen to all the competing alternatives, to the promises of the candidates and to the parties’ platforms for the development of the country and the solution of your main problems. Now it is time to meditate and to reflect. On Sunday hours, I invite you to dedicate a few minutes to your greatest civil responsibility – participating in voting.
I invite you to use this constitutional right and to fulfill this civil responsibility to massively partake in the elections. I particularly invite those who vote for the very first time and those who feel disappointed by politics: participate in voting because this way you take part in decision making. Do not let the others to decide for you. Do not deny to yourselves this opportunity that democracy offers to you – through the free vote you can have an impact on the politics and on the solution of your main problems. Vote because only by doing so, you respect your convictions, you respect yourselves and pay a precious service to the future of your children, to the future of Albania.
Brothers and sisters,
Albania has been preparing for a long time for July 3. Free and fair elections are fundamental to the political stability and democracy, to the development of the country and its Euro-Atlantic integration. They are one more factor for Kosova in its path towards the final status.
For these reasons, July 3 must be seen as major test by all the constitutional institutions and the political factors involved in the process.
That is why:
· I demand from the Central Elections Commission, from the zonal commissions and those in the voting centers to act with full justice, transparency and capability in fulfilling their constitutional and legal obligations;
· I call on the central and local institutions, the State Police, Prosecutor Office, the Courts and Local Government to demonstrate maximal impartiality and correctness in the rigorous implementation of the requests of the law and Constitution;
· I invite the Media to help through its independence and responsibility in the increase of the transparency, calmness and climate of trust;
· I call on the political parties, their candidates and activists to respect to the end the Electoral Code and the Code of Conduct. The political parties must recognize the elections’ results. We are an ancient people with a European culture and nobility. Time has come to show this.
Dear co-citizens,
I invite you once again to massively participate in voting and to vote freely. The will of the electorate must be respected and the legitimacy of the new majority to govern must be recognized.
Each one of us must do his best for July 3 to be a calm and normal day and for the Sunday’s elections to be the way we all want them to be: a historic success for Albania and Albanians.
I am convinced that Albania has a secure future. God bless Albania!
Valget i kreds 18, Dibra
Qemal Minxhozi (tv for Fatos Nano) er opstillet i kreds 18.
Interview med Qemal Minxhozi: http://home7.inet.tele.dk/bjoerna/254b.htm.
Omtale i »Koha Jone« efter valget.
OSCE/ODIHR: Election observation mission
Jørgen Grunnet på forsiden af »Gazeta Shqiptare«, juni 2005
Following an invitation from the Albanian Government, the OSCE/ODIHR has deployed an Election Observation Mission to observe the 3 July 2005 parliamentary elections in Albania.
[Klik på diagrammet for at forstørre det]
The ODIHR conducted a Needs Assessment Mission (NAM) from 12 to 16 April 2005 in order to assess the conditions and preparations for the elections and to advise on the format and modalities of an ODIHR election observation mission. The NAM recommended that a standard EOM be deployed in early May 2005.
Long-term observation
From early May until mid July, the Mission, headed by Mr. Jørgen Grunnet (Denmark), will include 14 international staff based at the Tirana head office and 25 long-term observers deployed in the regions. Core-team members and long-term observers are drawn from 19 OSCE participating States.
The Mission will assess the entire election process in terms of its compliance with international standards for democratic elections and national legislation, focusing on the election campaign, the legislative framework and its implementation, the media situation, the work of the election administration and relevant government bodies, and the resolution of election-related disputes.
Short-term observation
Shortly before the 3 July polling, the OSCE/ODIHR wishes to deploy 400 short-term observers from the OSCE participating States across Albania in teams of two to monitor the opening of polling stations, the voting, the counting of ballots, and the tabulation of results at all levels.
Shortly after election day, the Mission will hold a press conference in Tirana and issue a statement of preliminary findings and conclusions on the elections. The OSCE/ODIHR will remain in Albania and observe the electoral process until its completion.
Previous elections
The ODIHR has observed a number of elections in Albania, including the 2001 parliamentary elections and the 2003 local elections.
Internationale obervationer i første halvdel af juni.
OSCE / ODIHR resumerer:
• The Central Election Commission (CEC) has registered 27 electoral contestants to compete for the 40 mandates to be distributed to election lists, and ZECs have registered over 1,230 candidates to compete for single mandates in the 100 election zones.
• The CEC continues to conduct its meetings collegially and transparently. All 100 Zone Election Commissions (ZEC) are functioning and their composition has stabilised. Nevertheless, some significant administrative, financial and logistical challenges remain.
• It is crucial that the modalities for monitoring the printing of ballot papers ensure maximum transparency while safeguarding the security of this important process. The integrity of the printing is under the responsibility of the CEC, and granting the possibility for contestants to effectively monitor the entire process should enhance its credibility.
• Some parties have adopted election strategies to exploit shortcomings in the election system. Potentially, these strategies lessen the reliability of the election system to allocate mandates consistently with the constitutional principle of maximum proportionality, blur political identity and reduce the transparency of the process.
• The Socialist Party (SP) and the Democratic Party (DP), among others, have alleged that the voter lists are being manipulated for electoral gain. Controversies concerning the omission of students from voter lists remain. Any obstacle leading to possible disenfranchisement of students is obviously to be avoided. Furthermore, the high number of entries in the voter list (some 18%) where the residence of voters could not be verified (‘999 entries’ on the voter list), is a matter of concern.
• The current issuance of significant numbers of birth certificates, which can be used as identification document by voters on election day, raises increasing concerns that these could facilitate multiple voting. Such concerns are more frequent in locations with a high number of voters with '999 entries' on the voter list.
• The OSCE/ODIHR EOM’s media monitoring data shows that, compared to other parties,
the DP and the SP have received more airtime in news content than their legal entitlement.
• The ‘tone’ of the campaign has become noticeably more rancorous. The EOM has begun to receive an increasing number of allegations that campaign provisions are being violated. Of greatest concern are allegations that public employees and students are being placed under duress to vote for specific candidates; many allegations of vote buying, and misuse of State resources and personnel during the campaign, have also been reported.
• The Electoral College overturned five CEC decisions rejecting party lists. The law does not set out procedures for the CEC to verify registration documents and the CEC did not regulate the issue. Inconsistencies thus appeared in decisions to accept or reject party lists.
OSCE/ODIHR Udtalelse 4.7.2005: The conduct of the poll showed only limited progress over previous elections.
TIRANA, 4 July 2005 - The parliamentary elections in Albania on 3 July complied only partially with international commitments and standards for democratic elections.
The elections were competitive and voters were provided with a diversity of information. While the Central Election Commission has so far administered the elections professionally, state and local authorities and major political parties have yet to demonstrate political will that corresponds with their responsibilities for the electoral process.
These are the preliminary conclusions of the International Election Observation Mission (IEOM) for the parliamentary elections in Albania on 3 July.
Some 410 observers from 36 countries observed the elections for the four organizations represented in the mission.
"Overcrowding, delays and uncertainty regarding identification of voters gave an impression of disorganization, but so far few allegations of serious irregularies have been substantiated," said Jorgen Grunnet, Head of the Election Observation Mission of the OSCE's Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR).
Doris Pack, MP, who headed the delegation from the European Parliament, said: "The election system remains open to abuse. Intentionally inaccurate voter lists have left voters disillusioned."
Senator Jerzy Smoravinski, Head of Delegation of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, added: "The delay in launching the electoral reforms to address the shortcomings from previous elections affected negatively the preparation and conduct of these elections. The authorites and political parties should continue the reforms without delay, in order to redress the remaining shortcomings noted by the IEOM."
Ambassador Andreas Nothelle, who co-ordinated the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly's Delegation, said: "The Albanian voters and the local voting commissions were obviously dedicated to making use of their rights and having free and fair elections. With that they showed more democratic maturity than some of their political leaders, who should understand that reciprocal allegations aimed at influencing international observers create distrust, detrimental to the development of a democratic society."
Election day was generally peaceful but a few violent incidents, one fatal, cast a shadow over the process.
The conduct of the poll showed only limited progress over previous elections. In many cases observers noted incorrect procedures, particularly with regard to the use of ink to prevent multiple voting, the secrecy of the vote and the checking of voters' identities.
While some voters were turned away from polling stations because their names did not appear on voter lists, this affected relatively few voters. A few polling stations could not open on time since they did not receive voter lists.
The OSCE/ODIHR will remain in Albania to continue the observation until the completion of the election process, vote count and hearing and ruling on complaints.
Se: BBC's reportage på: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/4645643.stm.
Tirana, 4 July 2005 – Following an invitation by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Albania, the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (OSCE/ODIHR) deployed an Election Observation Mission (EOM) in Albania on 18 May 2005. For observation of election day procedures, the OSCE/ODIHR EOM joined efforts with the observers of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly (OSCE PA), the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) and the European Parliament (EP). They assessed compliance of the electoral process with domestic legislation, OSCE Commitments, Council of Europe commitments, and other international standards for democratic elections.
This statement of preliminary findings and conclusions is delivered prior to the completion of the vote count in all 100 counting centres, the expiry of legal deadlines for hearing possible appeals in regard to voting, counting and tabulation of results, and instalment in office of elected officials. A conclusive assessment of the entire election will depend, in part, on the conduct of these remaining phases of the process.
The OSCE/ODIHR EOM will remain in Albania to continue the observation and may issue additional public commentary, as necessary. The OSCE/ODIHR will publish a Final Report, including a comprehensive analysis of all observers’ findings and subsequent recommendations, approximately six weeks after completion of the process.
Preliminary Findings
Background
The 3 July 2005 parliamentary elections were the sixth to be held since the establishment of a multi-party system in Albania in 1991. In 2001, the Socialist Party (SP), led by Prime Minister Fatos Nano, received a majority of seats. Together with MPs from four other parties: the Social Democratic Party (SDP), the Human Rights Union Party (HRUP), the Democratic Alliance Party (DAP) and the Agrarian Party (AP) and members of parliament elected as independent candidates, the SP formed a government coalition. The opposition comprised the Democratic Party (DP) led by Dr. Sali Berisha, and five other parties.
All major political parties contested the 2005 election either in coalition or separately. These included the abovementioned parties and a new party, the Socialist Movement for Integration (SMI), led by former Prime Minister Ilir Meta, who together with eight other SP-elected deputies split from the ruling party in 2004. From 2004, the Legality Movement Party allied itself with the Renewed Democratic Party.
Since 1991, rivalry between the two largest parties, the SP and the DP, has been intense and antagonistic. During and after previous elections, some parties, in particular those in opposition expressed their lack of confidence in the integrity of the electoral process. The last two elections were protracted, marred with uncertainties and parts of the elections had to be repeated because of irregularities.
Election System
The Constitution establishes the following principles of the election system:
- A fixed number of parliamentary mandates (140), with 100 deputies (71%) elected in single mandate zones and 40 (29%) elected from party or coalition lists;
- That “the total number of deputies of a party […] shall be, to the closest possible extent, proportional to valid votes won by them on the national scale […]” ; and,
- That parties must obtain at least 2.5% of valid votes and coalitions must obtain at least 4% of valid votes, to participate in the allocation of the 40 ‘supplementary’ mandates.
In 2003, the Parliament adopted the Electoral Code, which further elaborated a complicated election system. Article 67 of the Electoral Code attempts to respect Article 64.2 of the Constitution and provides that the 40 supplemental mandates be allocated such that parties’ shares of the total number of deputies (140) would approximate ‘to the closest possible extent’ the percentage of the vote received by their electoral lists.
However, the Electoral Code fails to guarantee the enforcement of the constitutional provisions which set forth an objective of proportionality in the Parliament’s composition. Based on the right of voters to have two separate electoral choices, parties can circumvent the provisions designed to realise the constitutional objective of proportionality through developing strategies calling upon voters to split their two votes between formally or informally allied parties. These strategies have the potential to decrease the possible degree of proportionality and could result in fewer mandates being awarded to parties which are not involved in strategies. While such strategies might be within the law, they blur political identities and lessen transparency. Despite the fact that in the 2001 elections, attempts to manipulate the election system had already occurred, the legal provisions on allocating the supplemental mandates remained largely unchanged.
Both the experience of the 2001 and of the 2005 election process tend to show that the electoral system that is currently in force will remain prone to abuse until it is reformed.
Legal Framework
The Electoral Code was adopted in June 2003. Notwithstanding the serious shortcoming noted above and outstanding concerns raised by the Venice Commission of the Council of Europe and the OSCE/ODIHR in their Joint Recommendations of 2004, the legislation can provide an adequate basis for a democratic election if there is a willingness from public authorities and political parties to implement the provisions of the Electoral Code in good faith.
The Electoral Code was amended on three separate occasions in 2004 and 2005. These amendments, most of which addressed some of the Joint Recommendations, brought about several changes, in particular concerning the election administration, the compilation of voter lists, the criteria for establishing electoral zones, counting proceedings, and proceedings for complaints and appeals. These changes were largely devised through a bi partisan process.
However, shortcomings remain, at times in conflict with international standards. The Code fails to ensure transparency and certainty in the allocation of mandates to party lists. In the 2005 elections, some parties submitted to the CEC internal party agreements on re-ordering mandate recipients according to criteria stipulated by the parties1. In addition, some provisions in the Code discriminate against “smaller” political parties. This is particularly true in the area of paid political advertisements in the private electronic media, where the Code grants ‘larger’ parties the right to purchase “double the amount of airtime” of ‘smaller’ parties.
Additionally, legislation was passed at the end of 2004 establishing new boundaries for the 100 election zones. The new electoral zones, which were the result of a political agreement between the SP and DP, are set out in a separate law adopted and enacted in March 2005. While the solution reached is an improvement over the previous boundaries, it does not fully meet the requirements of the law in a number of zones.
Election Administration
Parliamentary elections are administered by a three-tiered election administration: the Central Election Commission (CEC), 100 Zone Election Commissions (ZECs), and some 4,764 Voting Center Commissions (VCCs). Following an agreement reached in October 2004, the ‘political balance’ of the CEC was altered with the parliamentary majority ‘surrendering’ one of its five seats to the opposition. The CEC appointed seven members to each ZEC, based on nominations from six designated political parties; three from each side of the political spectrum. The SP and the DP nominated ZEC chairpersons on a parity basis. VCCs and counting teams were appointed with a composition identical to ZECs. Through their nomination of members to election administration bodies at all levels, political parties exerted considerable influence over the electoral process. Political parties are in effect almost wholly responsible for the functioning of the electoral administration.
The CEC held meetings as often as twice per day. Prior to election day, it took over 1,000 decisions and adopted some 20 instructions. These appeared to adhere to professional standards and were generally in line with the Electoral Code. CEC sessions were, for the most part, conducted professionally, collegially and transparently. Representatives of the parties were in attendance and their proposals were given a fair hearing. The OSCE/ODIHR EOM did not observe any political bias for or against any election stakeholder in the decision making process. However, at times discussions were protracted and important decisions sometimes delayed. Nevertheless, these factors did not have a significantly adverse effect on the CEC’s electoral preparations. The CEC faced several logistical and administrative challenges in organizing these elections. Its task was complicated by a lack of full co-operation from some local government authorities and the CEC had to fine several mayors who missed deadlines for submitting important information.
To certify the final election results, to invalidate the elections or to take decisions on complaints against ZEC decisions regarding election results, the CEC requires a decision by five of its seven members. Hence the possibility exists that the CEC might be unable to adopt the election results. A final assessment on the CEC’s administration of the elections will only be possible after the tabulation and announcement of results and the adjudication of election day and any postelection complaints and appeals.
By law, all ZECs should have been appointed by 3 March 2005, but since the zone boundaries were not finalized until that date, the CEC decided to postpone the first ZEC meetings until 16 May, to give parties time to nominate members. Nonetheless, several political parties, in particular those in opposition, did not nominate all members by this date. Consequently only 63 ZECs were fully composed on time. Initially, parties also made extensive use of the right to replace members. This lessened the stability in ZEC’s composition. The CEC conducted training for ZECs and prepared training materials for VCCs and counting teams.
At least half of the ZEC chairs had served on a ZEC during a previous election. While this experience may have helped in the administration of the elections, a significant minority of ZECs lacked adequate material resources and the majority reported that they had not received operating funds in time. The appointment of VCCs constituted a major challenge for ZECs and some experienced difficulty in finalizing appointment on time. Some political parties asserted they delayed their nominations for fear that these VCC members could be bribed. This complicated the training of some VCCs.
Voter Lists
The legislation covering the voter registration process was reformed in several steps between October 2004 and January 2005. Responsibility for the compilation and maintenance of voter lists was transferred from the CEC to local government authorities, and lists were drawn from civil registers. A door-to-door verification exercise was first conducted with the aim of updating civil registries and assigning citizens a ten-digit ‘numerical address’. This new system was a welcome development, but the time and resources available to Municipalities to compile and computerise voter lists were scarce. Furthermore, spelling mistakes in voters’ names were frequently identified.
A state-wide voter registration database was created based on municipal voter registers and managed by the Ministry of Local Government and Decentralisation (MLGD), which has a responsibility to identify specific problems, in particular possible multiple records and inform local governments about them with a view for the latter to take remedial action.
Notwithstanding a number of shortcomings, a significant and largely successful effort was made to improve the accuracy of voter lists. On the final voter lists, some 2.85 million citizens were registered as voters. Yet, there remained some 470.000 entries on the final voter lists without a complete numerical address (so called ‘999 entries’). These entries correspond to persons who could not be contacted during the verification process. The problem was particularly noted in urban areas. An unknown number of these persons may have migrated within Albania or abroad.
By law, preliminary voter lists should have been publicly displayed from 1 April until 3 May. The MLGD extended the 3 May deadline twice, thereby increasing the time available to the public to check lists and request their inclusion, if omitted. A large-scale public information campaign was conducted to inform citizens of their rights and duties regarding voter registration. After 8 June, when voter lists were finalised, omitted persons could only vote by obtaining a decision from a district court.
The MLGD identified approximately 200,000 possible multiple entries on the preliminary voter lists, corresponding to some 100,000 registered citizens. By 8 June, the entries for over 80,000 citizens had been resolved such that these citizens were registered only once. Political parties were given the opportunity to analyse the final voter list. The DP provided the EOM with lists of remaining multiple records two days before polling day.
The voter lists remained a contentious issue during the pre-election period. The large majority of OSCE/ODIHR EOM observers reported positively on the accuracy of the lists, notwithstanding concerns over: the high number of ‘999’ entries; an inconsistent approach to allocating these entries to polling stations by local government units; the failure to meet legal deadlines on displaying the final voter lists, a delay in forwarding the complete voter registration data to political parties and almost 16% of voting centres which have in excess of 1,000 registered voters – the legal maximum. Observers reported that few voters checked their entries on the final voter lists, and even less sought a court decision to enable inclusion on election day.
Significant problems with voter lists were noted in some 17 zones, including zones 5 and 6 (Shkodra), 25 and 28 (Durres). In zone 33 (Tirana) a high number of petitions for addition in the lists from citizens eligible to vote were not acted upon. In addition, in the same zone, as well as in zone 38 (Tirana) serious concerns exist over the possible disenfranchisement of students. This fuelled allegations that voter lists in zones 33 and 38 were being politically manipulated. Administrative decisions presenting obstacles to effective enfranchisement of eligible voters are incompatible with a democratic process.
In the later stage of the pre electoral period, a controversy arose over the use of birth certificates2 as identification documents in voting centres, in the context of a continued absence of new identity documents for internal use and of a uniform address system. Usually, birth certificates are easily obtained. However, observers reported that, as a matter of practice, most local governments kept no records on certificates issued. This fact, combined with the alleged theft of a significant number of blank certificates and the alleged illegal printing and distribution of even larger number of such forms, raised concerns among stakeholders, that certificates would be misused to exploit shortcomings in the voter lists. However, the consistent use of ink, applied to voters’ fingers had the potential to lessen possible multiple voting. Yet, it does not address possible problems of impersonation of voters with an incomplete numerical address.
Party and Candidate Registration
Non-parliamentary parties were required to submit 7,000 signatures to register their party list. Seventeen non-parliamentary parties submitted lists. However, while the law grants the CEC insufficient time to verify the signature lists, the CEC’s approach to the registration of parties was not consistent. This was partly because the Electoral Code does not adequately regulate the issue and partly because the CEC did not adopt a decision outlining its approach. The CEC rejected 13 party lists, registering the other four. In the case of the Green League, the CEC accepted notarised statements that citizens had signed on behalf of other family members, although such a practice is not foreseen in the Electoral Code. Five parties were successful in appealing against the CEC’s decision to reject their lists.
Parliamentary parties and their candidates in election zones are not requited to submit signatures. The lists of 17 parliamentary parties were registered by the CEC. These included the National Front Party and the National Security Party, each of which submitted a declaration by an incumbent MP that he was a member of that party. However, both MPs ran for other parties in the elections and documentation sent by the Assembly to the CEC on various other issues listed neither party as having a representative in the parliament.
The CEC registered 27 electoral lists. 18 parties were running separately, two coalitions with joint lists were formed, including the Movement for National Development – Leka Zog (MND) and a seven-party coalition ‘The Alliance for Justice, Freedom and Welfare’ (AJFW) whose constituents will appear separately on the ballot. Many parties have decided not to affix on their lists, before the elections, the order in which they would distribute the supplemental mandates they might possible win. These would be distributed according to formulas taking into account the electoral performances of the list in the zones.
Over 1,200 candidates will compete in the 100 single mandate election zones. The CEC upheld seven of sixteen appeals against ZEC decisions to reject candidates. Candidates are drawn from 31 parties. In addition,11 independent candidates will contest the single-mandate contests. Notably, the parties in the AJFW coalition have not nominated any candidates under their own banner.
The ruling Socialist Party (SP) registered its candidates and party list separately from its allies in the parliamentary majority. These five parties are also contesting the election as separate election subjects at constituency and national level. No formal coalition agreement between the ruling parties was adopted. Repeatedly, in the course of the EOM, the SP has stated that they would not use strategies to influence the allocation of supplementary mandates in favour of their political allies. However, the SP also informed the EOM that it did not exclude the possibility that political agreements could be concluded at the local level. EOM observers reported repeated calls in a number of areas from SP allied parties to vote for SP majority candidates in the zone.3 Similar calls were observed on broadcast media.
The DP concluded written agreements with the seven parties in the AJFW coalition, whereby the DP and these parties registered a single candidate in each zone in the name of the DP. Thus, formally, the DP had 100 candidates in the single mandate zones, as required by law. However, at the invitation of the DP, fifteen of these candidates were de facto nominated by the DP’s allies. The DP and the AJFW both registered separate lists and encouraged their supporters to vote for the AJFW lists, rather than the DP one. It is noteworthy that the list of the Republican Party, a AJFW member, contains the names of 30 DP members, including MPs elected as candidates for the DP in the outgoing Parliament.
It is of concern that the abovementioned strategies appear to exploit shortcomings in the Electoral Code to maximise the number of supplemental mandates for both SP and DP allies, may misrepresent candidates’ political affiliation and thereby mislead voters. Such strategies could lessen voter’s confidence in the ability of the election system to translate their electoral choices into mandates according to the principles foreseen in the Constitution.
Gender
Equal rights for men and women are guaranteed in the Albanian Constitution. Nevertheless, in Albania women are significantly under-represented in public life. Moreover, the representation of women and their participation in the electoral process has not improved over time. No significant initiatives have been undertaken to increase the number of women appointed and elected to decision-making positions. Of the 38 parties contesting the elections, the leader of only one, the Albanian Green League, is a woman. In the outgoing parliament, only 6.4% of MPs are women, significantly fewer than 1991 when the corresponding figure was 20.5%.
The party statutes of the two main parties include gender quotas for female candidates; 25 % in the DP and 20% in the SP. Nevertheless, both parties implemented the clauses in a manner that is unlikely to result in the election of more women MPs. In the single mandate election zones, the SP nominated eight women while the DP nominated only three. The two parties nominated women on their party lists in higher numbers, but their political strategies i.e. urging party supporters to cast their votes not for their own list, but for those of their political allies, might have lessened the electoral opportunity for their own candidates. Therefore, the 2005 elections may be another missed opportunity to increase in the numbers of women participating at the highest levels of public life.
It is of serious concern that the gender imbalance is also apparent at the mid-level of public administration. Six political parties have the legal right to nominate members to the ZECs and VCCs, yet only four of the 100 chairpersons of zone election commissions are women and only about 16% of VCC chairpersons are women.
Participation of National Minorities
The 2001 census did not include questions relating to respondents’ ethnicity. Hence there is an absence of reliable current official data on national minorities. Nevertheless, Greek-speaking communities reside in some areas of the south of Albania and Roma and Egyptian communities are resident in cities and villages across Albania. Other minorities include Aromanians (Vlachs), Macedonians and Serbs/Montenegrins, with the latter two minorities mostly living in concentrated settlements in specific communes.
In 2004, the government approved the establishment of a Special State Committee for Minorities, tasked to make recommendations on the promotion of the rights of some minorities. The position of some minorities has improved, partly through their own initiatives to create or develop political associations and their advocacy efforts. Nevertheless, obstacles remain to the full participation by Roma and Egyptian minorities in the election process and there has been little progress concerning their registration as voters. Observers received credible allegations that attempts were made to influence their electoral choices in certain communes, these allegations referred to pressure, vote buying and bribery.
Traditionally, the HRUP has sought the political support of minority populations. In 2005, the party fielded a high number of candidates from minority populations, although the large majority were from the Greek minority. In its election campaign, the HRUP devoted
little attention to minority issues. The Movement for Human Rights and Freedom was the only party whose platform included calls for the enactment of minority rights. The EOM noted that the DP commented on the social problems faced by Roma and Egyptian populations during their campaign. However, in general, the media devoted little attention to the participation of minorities in the election. In some election zones, campaign material in Greek and Macedonian languages was seen by observers. While the CEC placed some public information advertisements in minority languages in the local media (Greek, Macedonian and Serbian), electoral material, including ballot papers were printed solely in Albanian.
Campaign and Pre-Election Environment
In general, the campaign was highly visible and a large number of campaign events took place. While the campaign of the SP and DP were the most intense, the SMI was also active. The campaigns of the HRUP, the MND and the RP appeared to be concentrated in specific election zones. Observers reported that, in general, the campaigns of the AFJW and the smaller left-wing parties in the ruling coalition were less active and had a lower profile. On occasions, the AFJW and the DP held joint campaign events, as did SP candidates with candidates from parties in the ruling coalition. The parties reported that candidates conducted door-to-door canvassing. A number of debates were held between candidates in the media. Overall, the campaign provided the electorate with a large volume of political information.
Prior to the start of the official campaign, sixteen political parties agreed to sign a Code of Conduct initiated by the President of Albania, Mr. Alfred Moisiu. The signatories largely conformed to the Code of Conduct. At times the tone of the campaign was rancorous. However, compared to previous elections candidates and parties devoted more time to promoting their own political platforms than in previous election processes. Nevertheless, many of the paid advertisements in the media, particularly from the larger parliamentary parties contained direct attacks on their rivals and a high degree of ‘negative campaigning’. Although less widespread than previous elections, acts of violence marred the campaign.4
While the rights to free speech, association and peaceful assembly were generally respected, observers received many allegations and reports of serious shortcomings during the campaign period, some of which challenged theses rights. The most noteworthy include:
- Numerous allegations that some public employees, in particular at local level, were being pressured to attend campaign events, support a specific candidate or party or to refrain from supporting a candidate or party.5
- Allegations were made that students were being pressured to support university officials running as candidates in Tirana and Korça. In addition, credible reports were received that school children were brought to campaign rallies by their teachers6.
- In some 12 election zones, observers received allegations, some of which credible, that the police had intimidated citizens over their electoral choices or political activity, or did not respond to violations of campaign regulations or attempts to intimidate electors7.
- In almost a quarter of all election zones, observers received allegations that citizens received, or were offered, gifts or money to support a particular candidate;
- Observers received allegations that state resources were being misused to benefit a party’s campaign in almost half of the election zones and that public service personnel were supporting candidates’ campaigns;8 and,
- The demolition ordered by local authorities of buildings, allegedly illegal, including an SMI office in Tirana and a house belonging to the DP Mayor of Saranda before the owners/occupants had an opportunity to present their cases for appeal in the district court, were very disturbing.
It is noteworthy that the large majority of the allegations claimed that the violations were conducted to favour the SP. While it was not possible for observers to verify the accuracy of all the allegations, observers found many to be credible and some were verified as accurate. Such violations would be contrary to paragraph 7.7 of the OSCE Copenhagen Document.
Media
The Electoral Code regulates the media’s coverage of political issues during the 30-day official campaign period. Free airtime is provided in the public media. Private and public media are required to cover parties’ campaigns according to their relative strength in the outgoing parliament. During the official campaign, the electronic media are monitored by a Media Monitoring Board (MMB), which reports to the CEC. Despite some methodological and procedural shortcomings, it generally carried out its mandate successfully. However, official ‘local-level’ media monitoring operations were in general less effective and many were not established on time.
The OSCE/ODIHR EOM analysed the content of the main electronic and printed media from 18 May to 2 June (prior to the commencement of the official campaign period) and from 3 June to 3 July.9 During the first phase, TVSH, which is financed largely from the State budget, gave favourable coverage to the government during its news coverage. Before the commencement of the official campaign period, the main news broadcasts of all the electronic media monitored by the OSCE/ODIHR EOM gave the government, the SP and the DP approximately 65% of time devoted to political issues.
After the start of the official campaign period, TVSH’s news coverage of the SP and DP was more balanced. The DP received 19% of airtime devoted to political subjects while the SP received 16% (including coverage of Government officials engaged in campaign activities). The SP and DP also received generally equal airtime in the news broadcasts of the private channels monitored by the OSCE/ODIHR EOM10. However, all these media gave a disproportionately high amount of airtime to the ‘big-two’ parliamentary parties compared to the ‘smaller’ parliamentary parties. Thus, they did not comply with legal provisions, which require that the total amount of time allocated to each ‘large’ parliamentary party should be “double the amount of airtime” allocated to each of the ‘smaller’ parliamentary parties. Monitors also noted inequalities among the small parties. Some received considerably less coverage than others. More positively, monitors found that, in general, the media reported on the parties in a politically neutral manner during news broadcasts.
The private electronic media frequently aired debates between candidates, thereby enhancing the type and amount of information available to voters. Nevertheless, these programs tended to provide a forum for four political parties (SP, DP, and to a lesser extent SMI and MND). A number of local TV stations also aired candidates forums. The SP placed the largest number of paid advertisements in the monitored media, although the DP and SMI also placed advertisements in high numbers. The EOM is not aware of any allegations that parties were offered favourable terms compared to rival parties. During paid slots, parties tended to present their rivals in negative terms rather than promote their own merits. Overall, the print media offered a diverse range of views, although some newspapers displayed clearly partisan editorial policies. In the print media as a whole, the contest between the SP and the DP was predominant.
Resolution of Election Disputes
The Electoral College of the Court of Appeals of Tirana rules on complaints against decisions of the CEC. The Electoral College, consists of eight judges selected at random from a pool of eligible judges. It decides cases in panels composed of five judges. The panels are also chosen by lottery. Thirty-four appeals against CEC decisions were filed with the Electoral College. The Electoral College upheld 19 CEC decisions, overturned 9 decisions and returned 2 to the CEC for additional consideration. Five successful appeals concerned CEC decisions not to register parties’ multi-name candidate list. Three successful appeals related to the registration of independent candidates in the single member electoral constituencies. One successful appeal related to a CEC decision.
Observers attended most cases heard by the Electoral College. No political bias was apparent during the hearings or in rulings. All parties were given a fair opportunity to present their claims and in several cases were granted postponements in order to secure relevant evidence. In general, prior to the election, the Court fulfilled its obligation to adjudicate fairly and impartially. However, it may be called upon to make rulings regarding election day and to adjudicate appeals regarding CEC decisions on election results. The EOM will observe these cases paying close attention to how the College fulfils its obligation under Article 174/1 of the Electoral Code to provide reasoned written decisions.
The decision by the Mayor in Borough 2, not to register to vote 1,422 students at Universities in Tirana deserves a special mention. As a result, these students were not given an opportunity to vote in Tirana, although this was their legal right. As university officials decided to hold exams in Tirana on election day, students were in effect disenfranchised. Five of the students appealed the Mayor’s decision to the District Court of Tirana. Subsequently the DP filed a request to the CEC to impose sanctions on the Mayor. On 9 June, the Court ruled in favour of the students. However, it only ordered the registration of the five students who had lodged the appeal. Even these persons were not included in the voter lists because the final voter lists were already printed. It is highly problematic that these students were omitted from the voters list, not through any fault of their own, but due to the actions of government authorities. The CEC fined the mayor 80,000 LEK (approximately €670) for his actions in disenfranchising these voters. Such sanction appears to be inadequate to the infringement and may prevent criminal prosecution of the mayor.
Election Day – 3 July
Election day was generally peaceful. Nevertheless, a few violent incidents marred the process, including a fatal shooting in the vicinity of a voting centre (VC) in zone 37 in Tirana, and the activity of armed persons in election zone 65. Other notable incidents were reported in zones 25 and 26, which caused an interruption in observation activity, and zones 38, 63, and 79. Parties alleged violent incidents took place in zones 4, 10, and 34. Observers reported 14 violent incidents at VCs.
Despite the sometimes tense atmosphere (11% of VC visited), the members of a large majority of VCCs (96%) co-operated well with each other to conduct polling. In the large majority of cases, Police respected their legal obligation to remain outside voting centres. However, unauthorised persons were interfering in the process in 4% of VC visited.
While election observers received a relatively high number of allegations of serious irregularities from a variety of quarters, including allegations of vote buying, few were substantiated or observed directly. Most written complaints received by the OSCE/ODIHR EOM emanated from the SP and the SMI. Formal complaints were filed in 6% of VCs. Observers were informed that some 700 families were unable to participate in the election due to the continued practice of traditional blood feud. In a very few areas, observers received allegations that blank birth certificates were issued illegally.
A considerable number of voting centres did not open on time, with particular problems in zone 26 and in zone 2, where several could not open at all. Interruptions in polling were reported in 8% of VCs visited and overcrowding in some 9%. Access to polling stations was difficult in 14% of voting centres, which could have affected the voting of disabled citizens. However, provisions that allowed blind persons to vote unaided were a welcome innovation.
Observers reported that voters were turned away from 51% of VCs visited, because their names were not on the voter list. While this figure appears high, in a large majority of instances, the problem appeared to affect relatively few voters and the problem occurred much less frequently than in earlier elections. Where the problem occurred, many VCCs directed citizens to information points at ZECs to check if they were registered elsewhere. However, the few cases where discrepancies existed between the final voter list posted at VCs and the voter list given to VCCs are of concern. Observers reported isolated cases where a small number of voters were prevented from voting due to the misspelling of their names. Most VCCs were aware of the late adopted CEC decision to retain voters’ birth certificates. In many cases, voters who could not prove their identity with a second document or whose birth certificate had expired were prevented from voting until other identity documents were produced.
While some procedures were generally respected, such as the proper sealing of ballot boxes, others were not. Specifically, observers noted that some VCCs, particularly in rural areas, did not check voters IDs properly (6%), rarely or never checked voters for traces of ink (19%), or did not apply the ink (11%), reducing the effectiveness of safeguards preventing multiple voting. Voters did not sign the voter lists and have their names crossed in 5% of VCs. This might have complicated ballot reconciliation at a later stage of the process. The secrecy of the vote was not adequately respected in 13% of VCs. While so-called ‘family voting’ occurred less frequently than previous elections (observed in 10% of VCs), it remains a persistent and serious problem, particularly in rural areas. The late nomination by political parties of VCC members resulted in those members missing training sessions, and may have contributed to the apparent lack of familiarity with the procedures.
These factors had a negative effect on observers’ overall assessment of the process. In general, polling was assessed less positively in the northern prefectures (Shkodër, Lezhë, Kukës and Dibër) and southern prefectures (Vlorë and Gjirokastër), than in other areas. Overall, observers rated the process negatively in 11% of voting centres visited, while they assessed it positively in 67%.
In general, VCs closed on time and observers reported that those waiting in line were able to cast ballots. The closing procedures were largely respected. However, copies of polling records were not systematically given to those that were entitled to receive them.
The Vote Count
At ZECs, some ballot boxes were deemed to be ‘irregular’ and hence their condition will require investigation by the CEC (31 cases reported). On occasions these boxes were not segregated and secured as required by law. Most counting centres (CCs) were located in adequate premises, but observers reported space was insufficient in about a quarter of CCs observed. Regrettably, one team of observers (in Lezhë District) was expelled from a counting centre. During the receipt of election material, observers reported a tense atmosphere in 29% of CCs and two violent incidents. The organisation of the receipt of the material was assessed as poor in nine CCs. The training of the counting teams, which began at a very late stage of the process due to the late nomination deadline and, in some cases to the late arrival of counting teams members, was frequently inadequate.
EOM observers have continuously followed the process of the delivery of election material to the counting centers, as well as vote count and tabulation in 82 Election Zones. In all counting centers observed, the vote count started only after all voting centers delivered protocols. Additional commentary on the counting process will be issued in due course.
Domestic Observation
The relatively high number of observers from domestic civil society organisations including the Albanian Committee Against Corruption and the Albanian Youth Council as well as the multiparty composition of VCCs helped assure the transparency of the process. Domestic non partisan observers were clearly identified by EOM observers in 28% of VCs. EOM observers reported that party observers were present in 94% of VCs visited and in 95% of CCs.
This statement is also available in Albanian. However, the English language version remains the only official document.
Mission Information & Acknowledgements
The OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission (EOM) opened in Tirana on 18 May 2005 with 40 experts and long-term observers deployed in the capital and 11 regional centres. On election day, 408 short-term observers from 36 OSCE participating States, including 23 parliamentarians from the OSCE PA, 20 from the PACE and 9 from the European Parliament were deployed. The EOM observed the polling and vote count in over 1,200 voting centres throughout the country and 82 counting centres after voting centres closed, to observe the tabulation of results.
Ambassador Andreas Nothelle (Germany) coordinated the Delegation of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly (PA). Mr Jerzy Smorawiński (Poland), Member of the Polish Senate, led the Delegation of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE). Ms Doris Pack (Germany), Member of the European Parliament, led the Delegation of the European Parliament (EP). Mr Jørgen Grunnet (Denmark) headed the OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission.
The EOM wishes to thank the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for the invitation to observe the elections, the Central Election Commission for providing accreditation documents, and other national and local authorities for their assistance and cooperation. The EOM also wishes to express appreciation to the OSCE Presence in Albania for their support throughout the duration of the mission, to the OSCE Missions in Kosovo and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia for sending staff members to serve as OSCE/ODIHR EOM observers, and the Embassies of OSCE participating States in Tirana for their support.
Notes
(1) As already noted in the OSCE/ODIHR – Venice Commission Joint Recommendations issued in 2004, “to the extent that [the law] would permit a re-ranking or “final” ranking of candidates to occur after a voter casts the ballot, then [it] would be contrary to OSCE Commitments and international standards.
(2) Birth certificate means a copy of the birth record from the civil status book, which is issued by the local authorities and has a validity of three months. If used for internal identification purposes, it has to have a picture attached on the front page and a taxation stamp on the back. Both the pictures and the stamp have to be sealed with the seal of the Civil Status Office of the local government unit. A second personal seal of the civil servant in charge is also required on the stamp.
(3) For example in Fier, Korca, Himara, and Tirana
(4) For example in Durrës (EZ28), where a DP supporter was allegedly assaulted by the SP candidate, or in Shijak (EZ26), where SP supporters broke into a private building and assaulted its occupants for displaying opposition posters. Party offices were vandalised in Fier, Korça, Laç, Shkodër and Tirana.
(5) For example in Delvinë, Durrës, Elbasan, Gjirokaster, Korça, Kukës, Përmet and Tirana.
(6) For example, in Berat, Elbasan, Fier and Lezhë.
(7) For example in Gramsh, Kukës, Lezhë, Tirana and Durrës.
(8) For example in Durrës, Sarandë, Mallakaster, Shkodër and Tirana
(9) The EOM monitored the broadcasts of three TV stations: TVSH, TV Arberia, TV Klan between 18.00 and 00.00 on a daily basis, and the main news broadcast of Top Channel. In addition, the content of six newspapers was monitored: Shekulli, Panorama, Korrieri, Gazeta Shqiptare, Tema and Koha Jone.
(10) TV Arberia allocated 27% of the political time in the news to DP and 26% to SP, TV Klan 27% to DP and 29% to SP, Top Channel 28% to DP and 24% to SP. Figures on SP include coverage of Government members engaged in campaign activities.
Links om valget
Nyheder:
Gabriel Partos: »Analysis: Albania's crunch poll« på BBC 1.7.2005: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/4642311.stm
BBC 3.7.2005: Albanians vote in key elections. Sali Berisha's Democratic Party have a slight lead in polls Albanians have started voting in a closely fought election seen as crucial to the country's ambition to join the European Union and Nato. http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/4645643.stm
Nyheder/analyser i danske medier (de vigtigste):
DR Radioens P1: »Europa lige nu« 3.7.2005: Valg i Albanien Der er stor international opmærksomhed omkring valget den 3.juli. USA har formanet de albanske politikere om at leve op til kravene om frie og retfærdige valg - uden svindel. Det, at det skal gå rigtigt til ses også som en prøve på, hvor troværdige de albanske drømme er - både når det gælder medlemskab af EU og NATO. Albanien er et af Europas allerfattigste lande - og det sted i Europa hvor hverdagen for mennesker måske er allermest barsk. Der er stor arbejdsløshed, et sundhedssystem og et uddannelsessystem, der fungerer dårligt. Og så er der kriminaliteten - et kæmpeproblem - både for Albanien og for resten af Europa. Hør om det albanske samfund og fremtidsperspektiverne om lidt. Red.: Anne Haubek. Medv.: Tue Magnussen, valgobservatør for OSCE i Albanien. Udsendelsen kan høres på: mms://wms.dr.dk/storage/auto/Nyheder/Radioavisen/Eudebat/03072005_EUd_søndag_17_10.wma
DR Radioens P1: »Orientering«: 5.7.2005: I Albanien tæller de stadig stemmer op efter parlamentsvalget i søndags, når altså ikke de valgtilforordnede går hjem eller holder en pause. Valget er også præget af andre uregelmæssigheder, og det i en så høj grad, at internationale observatører kun tøvende vil godkende det. Uregelmæssighederne kommer ubelejligt for Albanien, fordi Den Europæiske Union har sagt, at et ordentligt valg er vigtigt for Albaniens vej mod unionen. Tilrettelagt af Thomas Hjortsø: http://www.dr.dk/orientering/Or_MP/2005/ram/o050705g.ram [kan også nedtages som Podcast-fil, se nærmere på: http://www.dr.dk/podcast/)].
»Information«: 1.7.2005: Görrel Espelund [svensk free-lancer) VALG I ALBANIEN: Unge albanere vil gøre op med politisk apati. De unge albaneres tiltro til landets etablerede politikere kan ligge på et lille sted. Arbejdsløshed, fattigdom, stagnation og korruption er udbredt, og mange drømmer om at rejse til udlandet. Men andre drømmer om at udvikle en ny demokratisk kultur.
11.7.2005: Tue Magnussen: Albansk valg giver højreskred. Højreskred giver politisk comeback til Berisha, men næppe igen casino-kapitalistiske pyramidespil
Louise With i »Morgenavisen Jyllandsposten«: (1) 2.7.2005: Dansker i midten af albansk valg. Danske Jørgen Grunnet spiser morgenmad med præsidenten og vandrer ind og ud af albanske tv-studier i disse dage. Det internationale pres på Albanien for at holde et frit og fair parlamentsvalg søndag er massivt, og som leder af de internationale valgobservatører er Grunnet manden i midten.
- (2) 2.7.2005: Aktivister slås mod apati. Med humor, energi og dygtige kampagner forsøger en gruppe unge aktivister at lære deres albanske medborgere om moderne demokratisk kultur. For eksempel at et grønt parti som regel ikke stemmer for affaldsimport. At en justitsminister ikke ustraffet tæver en journalist. Og at man som vælger bør stille krav til sine politikere.
- (3) 3.7.2005: Arvefjender kæmper om magten. Dagens parlamentsvalg i Albanien bliver afgørende for den lille Balkanstats fremtid i EU og NATO. To stærke ledere, den regerende socialist Fatos Nano og demokraten Sali Berisha, kæmper om magten ved et valg, der kaldes det vigtigste og mest uforudsigelige i historien.
- (4) 5.7.2005: Valg i Albanien: Observatører kritiske efter albansk valg. Det lykkedes kun delvis at holde demokratisk valg i Albanien, meddelte OSCE mandag. Mens der blev talt stemmer på højtryk, gav målinger sejr til opposition. Nu samles spændingen om det endelig resultat, der ventes tirsdag, og om reaktionerne fra EU og NATO.
- (5) 6.7.2005: Sali Berisha tilbage til magten. Albanerne stemte for forandring søndag, og gav efter alt at dømme en overraskende sejr til tidligere præsident Sali Berisha og hans demokratiske parti. OSCE har kritiseret valget for kun delvist at have været frit og fair.
»Politiken« 6.7.2005: Albansk kaos Langt til indfrielse af EU's krav. Der er kun 1,6 millioner afgivne stemmer at tælle op efter søndagens parlamentsvalg i Albanien, men kaos under optællingen betyder, at det endelige resultat lader vente på sig. I går nedlagde stemmetællere simpelthen arbejdet efter ordre fra de to største partier, der hævder at have vundet. Det er partierne bag de to ledere, der har domineret albansk politik siden kommunismens sammenbrud i landet i 1990: Sali Berisha, leder af Det Demokratiske Parti, og ministerpræsident Fatos Nano, leder af Socialistpartiet, der har regeret landet i de sidste otte år.
Kroniken: 19.8.2005: Tue Magnussen: Albanien på vippen. Den lille Balkan-stats medlemskab af EU kom ikke meget nærmere ved sommerens valg, der vippede parlamentsflertallet fra socialisterne tilbage til højrepartierne. Men USA kan bringe Albanien hurtigere ind i NATO.
Albanske links (på Engelsk):
Forfatningen: http://www.parlament.al/english/dis-kus.html
Valgreglerne. Electoral Code of the Republic of Albania: http://www.osce.org/item/14076.html
Valgkommissionen: Partier, koalitioner, kandidater (i de 100 kredse): http://www.myvote05.com/main.htm
»Mjaft« (i samarbejde med Soros Foundation): Oversigt over partier og kandidater; partiprogrammerne er resumeret (men kun på Albansk): http://www.unevotoj.com/ [Albansk-sproget]. »Mjaft« er en NGO der har modtaget støtte fra vestlig side; organisationen vender sig bl.a. mod korruption, miljøsvineri og slægtsfejder. »Mjaft« betyder: Nu kan det være nok.
»Tirana Times«: http://www.tiranatimes.com/index.html. Engelsksproget ugeavis. Artikler om valget, bl.a.: http://www.tiranatimes.com/19%20Election%20Scenarios.html og http://www.tiranatimes.com/19%20Election%20Background%20to%20Parties.html
Democrats and allies secure government-forming majority
With 55 deputies from the Democratic Party and 19 from its smaller right-wing allies, the opposition has officially gained enough seats in the Albanian government to form Albania’s next government, according the official elections results released on Wednesday. [8.7.2005]
Free and Fair Elections: Mission Impossible? Albania has partially met international standards, on the basis of which, the elections could at least be classified as democratic. In the preliminary report of OSCE/ODIHR, European Parliament and the Council of Europe, there was no mention of the famous formula: "The elections marked a step forward as against the previous elections," which we had grown accustomed to reading in ODIHR Election Reports of the last few years. [8.7.2005]
Is Ilir Meta the king maker of the Socialists' defeat? The former socialist Prime Minister, who transformed the anti-Nano faction within the SP into a political party, has, single handedly managed to topple between ten to fifteen candidates of the Socialist Party in the electoral battle against their political opponents, the Democrats. [8.7.2005]
Partier m.fl.
Socialistpartiet; formand: Fatos Nano: http://www.ps.al/ [Albansk/Engelsk]. Platform, se Mjaft's side: http://www.unevotoj.com/doc/Platforma%20PS.pdf
Demokraterne; formand: Sali Berisha - se: http://www.rilindjademokratike.com/ [Herfra henvises til en side for partiet, men den har længe været under construction]. Platform, se Mjaft's side: http://www.unevotoj.com/doc/Platforma%20KOP.pdf
LSI - Den Socialistiske for Integration [i Europa]; formand: Ilir Meta - se: http://www.ilirmeta.com/index.php?lang=al [Albansk; en smule på Engelsk. Web-stedet er kun delvis opdateret]. Platform, se Mjaft's side: http://www.unevotoj.com/doc/Platforma%20elektorale%20e%20LSI.pdf
Internationale links:
OSCE's og ODIHR's valgmission 2005:
Regular OSCE report on activities in Albania, 2 June 2005: http://www.osce.org/item/14892.html (PDF-format)
Interview with Head of Presence, Radio Free Europe, 17 June 2005: http://www.osce.org/item/15240.html [PDF-format]
OSCE/ODIHR interim report 2 on 3 July 2005 elections in Albania: http://www.osce.org/item/15465.html
Valgzoner: http://www.osce.org/item/15252.html (PDF-format). Kortet kan forstørres og formindskes i Acrobat Reader, se ovenfor.
Tidligere valgmissioner / dokumenter fra 2001 og frem:
http://www.osce.org/odihr-elections/documents.html?lsi=true&limit=10&grp=207
Europarådets Parlamentariske Forsamlings valgmission 2005:
http://assembly.coe.int/ASP/Press/StopPressView.asp?CPID=1658&search=albania
Danske links:
Albaniens historie: http://miqesia.dk/erfaring/albaniens_historie.htm
Dansk-Albansk samarbejde fra 1990'erne og frem: http://miqesia.dk/erfaring
Europarådets monitorering af Albanien, se interview med Søren Søndergaard: http://miqesia.dk/erfaring/CoE.htm (her er links til rapporter om Albanien)
Miqësia / Dansk-Albansk Venskabsforening: http://miqesia.dk/
Interview med Qemal Minxhozi, kandidat i kreds 18 (Dibra-området), tidl. Albansk chargé d'affaires i Danmark: http://home7.inet.tele.dk/bjoerna/254b.htm
Forhistorien
Albanien var en kommunistisk stat fra slutningen af 2' Verdenskrig og frem til 1991. Først var Albanien allieret med Jugoslavien og Tito (og med Stalin og Sovjetunionen), i 1948 gik man med Stalin mod Tito. Fra dét tidspunkt var Enver Hoxha den helt dominerende politiske leder i Albanien. I begyndelsen af 1960'erne tog Hoxha afstand fra Krusjtjov og Sovjetionen og svingede over mod Kina og Mao Zedong. Hen over midten af 1970'erne kom Hoxha uoverens med Kineserne - angiveligt pga den diplomatiske tilnærmelse mellem USA og Kina - og prøvede at gå enegang.
Den økonomiske situation var vanskelig i hele efterkrigstiden, men blev ganske særlig vanskelig fra slutningen af 1970'erne. De økonomiske vanskeligheder førte til interne politiske vanskeligheder (og omvendt). Enver Hoxha's nære kollega siden 2' Verdenskrig - premierminister Mehmet Shehu - blev likvideret og flere af hans familie og af hans tilhængere blev politisk udrenset og forfulgt.
Efter Hoxha's død i 1985 var det partisoldaten Ramiz Alia der »tog over«. En vis politisk modernisering blev forsøgt - og der var også visse tilnærmelser mellem »Europa« og Albanien, som dog ikke førte særlig langt.
Nogen tid efter »Murens fald« i 1989 og sammenbruddet af de socialistiske og kommunistiske regimer i Østeuropa, kollapsede også det kommunistiske styre i Albanien pga indre utilfredshed og uro.
Det blev tilladt at danne partier, og der blev gjort forsøg på at etablere en national samlingsregering, men den holdt ikke længe.
Hen over 1991-92 kom Demokraterne til magten. De var ledet af den karismatiske Sali Berisha (der havde været én af Enver Hoxha's livlæger) der efter nogen tid blev præsident. De økonomiske, sociale og politiske forhold var imidlertid temmelig kaotiske. Berisha (og hans folk) søgte at forhindre tidligere kommunister i at komme til magten - og én af de yngre, fremtrædende kommunister, økonomen Fatos Nano blev fængslet for at have tilegnet sig en andel af den nødhjælp som bl.a. var kommet til Albanien fra Italien (for et par år siden blev han frikendt og fik tildelt en erstatning for uberettiget fængsling). Også Enver Hoxha's kone, Nexhmije Hoxha, blev dømt og sad i fængsel nogle år.
Henover midten af 1990'erne blev der etableret en række pyramideforetagender. Albanerne investerede deres sparepenge - undertiden alt hvad de ejede - i foretagender der stillede meget store fortjenester i udsigt. Årsagen til at Albanerne hoppede på limpinden var at de på dét tidspunkt havde meget naive og urealistiske økonomiske forestillinger, men også at den økonomiske elendighed var stor.
Omkring slutningen af 1996 og hen gennem 1997 kollapsede det ene efter det andet af pyramideforetagenderne, og der opstod stor social og politisk uro, militærets våbenlagre blev plyndret - regeringen kollapsede, og Fatos Nano blev løsladt.
I sommeren 1997 blev der indsat en fælleseuropæisk militærstyrke under Italiensk ledelse (Danmark deltog med et lille kontingent) der overvågede det efterfølgende parlamentsvalg.
Valget førte til at Socialisterne (under Fatos Nano) erobrede regeringsmagten, og at der blev valgt en ny præsident, fysikprofessor Rexhep Meidani. Socialisterne udspringer af det tidligere kommunistparti, men må karakteriseres som et socialdemokratisk parti.
I de følgende år har den økonomiske, sociale og politiske udvikling været positiv, men ufuldstændig - og der har også været tilbageslag (som da en af de demokratiske ledere, Azem Hajdari, blev myrdet i 1998 af folk fra sin hjemegn - formentlig pga en lokalt betonet konflikt).
I forbindelse med uroen efter drabet flygtede Fatos Nano til Makedonien. Han blev erstattet som premierminister af Pandeli Majko (der i dag er forsvarsminister); på et senere tidspunkt blev Majko skubbet til side af Ilir Meta, mens Fatos Nano sikrede sig posten som formand for Socialistpartiet.
Ved valget i 2001 kunne Socialisterne - igen danne regering; fortsat under Ilir Meta.
Fra sensommeren 2001 og frem til midten af 2002 bestod der et ret spændt forhold mellem de ledende politikere i Socialistpartiet. Fatos Nano beskyldte nogle af ministrene i Meta's regering for korruption - og tvang Meta og hans regering til at træde tilbage i januar 2002. Efter en kampafstemning vendte Pandeli Majko tilbage som premierminister.
Begyndelsen af april 2002: OSCE og Europarådet holdt et arrangement hvor Formændene for de to store partier - Socialisternes Fatos Nano og Demokraternes Sali Berisha skrev under på en protokol om implementeringen af OSCE og ODIHR's rekommendationer vedrørende parlamentsvalg og om nedsættelsen af en valgkommission med deltagelse af både Socialisterne og Demokraterne. Fra venstre Fatos Nano (som taler), derefter OSCE-Missionschef Gert Ahrens, Parlamentsformand Namik Dokle, Europarådets Missionschef Jørgen Grunnet og Sali Berisha. De fleste ser noget alvorlige, en enkelt næsten dyster, ud.
Det var givetvis nødvendigt da OSCE's daværende ambassadør, Geert-Hinrich Ahrens, i april 2002 slog i bordet og forlangte at de to store partier, Socialisterne og Demokraterne, satte sig sammen og løste nogle af de tunge tekniske problemer, således at det parlamentatiske arbejde kunne udvikle sig i en mere konstruktiv retning (Demokraterne var gået så vidt at de i utilfredshed med forløbet af valget i 2001 havde boykottet parlamentsarbejdet frem til januar 2002). Men der var næppe kommet bukser af skindet, hvis ikke også Jørgen Grunnet, der var missionschef for Europarådet i Tirana, havde været på banen og på sin måde overbevist parterne om at man ville nå væsentlig længere - med hensyn til en optagelse i EU - ved at samarbejde end ved at strides.
Måske ønskede Fatos Nano at blive præsident, men det blev fra mange sider - ikke mindst fra USA, EU og OSCE - betydet at det var vigtigt at der blev valgt en konsensuspræsident; efter sonderinger og forhandlinger nåede man i sommeren 2002 til enighed om at vælge den tidligere general Alfred Moisiu. Moisiu havde fået den væsentligste del af sin militære uddannelse i Sovjetunionen og havde haft høje militære og politiske funktioner både i Hoxha-styrets tid og fra 1994 til 1997 under Berisha-styret.
I sommeren 2002 hvor Fatos Nano indgik en slags samarbejdsaftale med Ilir Meta. Nano blev nu premierminister (i stedet for Majko), mens Meta blev vicepremier- og udenrigsminister og Majko forsvarsminister. Samarbejdsaftalen med Meta holdt dog ikke så længe. Det kom til et opgør sommeren 2003 som førte Meta til at trække sig helt ud af regeringen.
I de følgende måneder søgte Nano at indsætte nogle af sine folk i regeringen, således Marko Bello som udenrigsminister, men det lykkedes ikke da der var parlamentsmedlemmer fra partiet der enten stemte imod Bello (Meta m.fl.) eller som undlod at stemme (Angjeli m.fl.).
De politiske og personlige uoverensstemmelser i Socialistpartiet fik Nano til at tænke »kreativt«. Han indledte forhandlinger med forskellige fløje og grupper og sikrede sig bred støtte til sit formandskab. Den tidligere præsident Meidani stillede op mod ham som formand, men fik ikke mange stemmer. Heller ikke Tiranas borgmester Edi Rama - der kandiderede, hvad enten det var af taktiske grunde eller for at vise flaget - fik særlig mange stemmer, og Meta-fløjen led i øvrigt et markant nederlag.
Blandt de politikere Nano gik i alliance med var Anastas Angjeli som han i 2001 havde beskyldt for at være korrupt. Nano er blevet spurgt hvordan et sådant samarbejde kunne komme i stand - hans svar var måske ikke så præcist, men lod dog ane at det skyldtes behovet for at sikre sig selv - og sin politik - bredere og stærkere opbakning. Tilsyneladende er Nano's taktik lykkedes, for siden har der været relativt roligt i partiet. Dog har Nano for nogen tid siden kritiseret undervisningsminister Memushi for at have nået for lidt.
Meta-fløjen har forladt Socialistpartiet og stiftet et nyt Europa-orienteret socialistisk (dvs. socialdemokratisk) parti, der tippes til at få nogle stemmer ved parlamentsvalget 3.7.2005. Nogle af stemmerne vil komme fra Socialistpartiet, men det er sandsynligt at der også vil komme stemmer fra nogle af de partier som har indgået valgalliance med Fatos Nano, således Skënder Gjinushi's socialdemokratiske parti.
På et punkt er der ret stor enighed mellem de stridende parter i Socialistpartiet - nemlig med hensyn til udenrigspolitikken. Alle er enige om at Albanien så hurtigt som muligt må optages i EU og i NATO.
Økonomisk er der ikke andre muligheder for at sikre en positiv udvikling end ved et tæt samarbejde med og senere en optagelse i EU. Ganske vist er beskæftigelsen blevet en smule bedre i de senere år, men der er et forrygende handelsbalanceunderskud - som dækkes ved pengeoverførsler fra emigrantarbejdere og ved lån og tilskud fra udenlandske donorer, ikke mindst fra forskellige EU-kasser, men også fra fx Verdensbanken.
Fra EUs side har man anstillet sig positivt, men man kræver at der bliver gjort noget alvorligt ved korruptionen og den organiserede kriminalitet (bl.a. mht trafficking).
Det er tænkeligt at man er tættere på en optagelse i NATO end i EU. Albanerne støtter øjensynlig helhjertet Præsident Bush i Afghanistan og Irak og har sendt troppekontingenter til begge steder, - og Bush-regeringen har tilsvarende flere gange udtalt sig positivt om den Albanske regering og dens politik.
Fra USA, EU og OSCE er det sagt overordentlig tydeligt - og mange gange - at valget 3.7.2005 er en vigtig prøve på om Albanerne har gjort hvad der forventes af dem.
Albaniens historie, se: http://miqesia.dk/erfaring/albaniens_historie.htm
Albanien og Irak. Udenrigsminister Kastriot Islami sagde flg. på en international konference i juni 2005:
The intervention of Minister Islami at the International Conference on Iraq
Dear colleagues,
Dear participants,
Allow me to express my appreciation for the initiative of the European Union and the United States to sponsor this conference, in response to the formal request by the Iraqi Transitional Government. The holding of this conference is a valuable contribution to the efforts of the international community aiming at the further democratic stabilization of Iraq and the establishment of the rule of law throughout its territory. These efforts are also very important in view of the struggle for global security and stability. Therefore, I highly appreciate your invitation to participate at this conference and my presence here is an expression of Albania’s contribution to the support of the international community for the stabilization of Iraq.
I would like to emphasize that the Albanian Government fully supports an active policy in Iraq aiming at the establishment of democratic standards and Iraq’s integration in the international community. Albania has supported the first free and democratic elections, held on 30 January 2005. They were an expression of the will of the Iraqi people to join the community of democratic countries and establish peaceful relation within the country and with its neighbors. These elections marked a new beginning for the Iraqi people. They demonstrated that they are able to make the right choices about their future. In this context we support the democratically elected Iraqi Transitional Government in accordance with the UN Security Council Resolution 1546.
The Albanian Government supports the sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of Iraq, its process of reforms and the efforts to strengthen the rule of law, in full respect for political and human rights. Putting an end to violence and terrorist activities constitutes the biggest challenges for Iraq. We are confident that the Iraqi people with the support of the international community, will be able to face this challenge. Although security in the country presents many problems, significant progress has been made.
I am glad to stress that, as part of the International Coalition against terrorism, Albania was among the first countries to deploy its military forces to Iraq. Currently, Albania has a modest presence of military troops that is contributing to the strengthening of the security in the country, in the framework of the operations of the Coalition. We are convinced on the necessity and determined to continue with this contribution, by keeping the presence of our military forces also in the future, in accordance with the Coalition’s assessments and decisions.
Finally, I would like to repeat my deepest appreciation to Secretary Rice and Minister Asselborn for their leadership and their contribution to the successful organization of this important conference for the future of Iraqi people and at the same time to assure you, dear colleagues, that Albania will continue to be a reliable ally of the countries that fight for freedom, justice and democracy.
Thank you.
Aktuelle baggrundslinks
Verdensbanken, EU, Europarådet, USA
Religiøs tolerance (konference i Tirana, december 2004)
Verdensbanken:
http://www.worldbank.org.al/
EU:
http://www.delalb.cec.eu.int/en/index.htm
http://www.delalb.cec.eu.int/en/eu_and_albania/agreements.htm
Europarådet (Europarådets Parlamentariske Forsamling):
Parliamentary Assembly Resolution 1377 (2004) Honouring of obligations and commitments by Albania
[Dokumentsøgning]
USA:
- Udenrigsministeriet: Background note [leksikalsk oversigt]: http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/3235.htm
- Trafficking: http://www.usemb-tirana.rpo.at/pg1news/0603%20Raporti%20mbi%20Trafikimin%20Hyrja-Shqiperia%20eng.pdf [PDF]
Religiøs tolerance:
http://miqesia.dk/Summit-2004.htm
Du må citere hvis du angiver hovedsidens adresse: bjoerna.dk ... Siderne om Albanerne: bjoerna.dk/albanerne.htm ... Søgning på internettet: bjoerna.dk/soegning.htm