January 31, 2006

STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS BY THE PRESIDENT
United States Capitol
Washington, D.C.

9:12 P.M. EST



THE PRESIDENT: Thank you all. Mr. Speaker, Vice President Cheney, members of Congress, members of the Supreme Court and diplomatic corps, distinguished guests, and fellow citizens: Today our nation lost a beloved, graceful, courageous woman who called America to its founding ideals and carried on a noble dream. Tonight we are comforted by the hope of a glad reunion with the husband who was taken so long ago, and we are grateful for the good life of Coretta Scott King. (Applause.)

Every time I'm invited to this rostrum, I'm humbled by the privilege, and mindful of the history we've seen together. We have gathered under this Capitol dome in moments of national mourning and national achievement. We have served America through one of the most consequential periods of our history -- and it has been my honor to serve with you.

In a system of two parties, two chambers, and two elected branches, there will always be differences and debate. But even tough debates can be conducted in a civil tone, and our differences cannot be allowed to harden into anger. To confront the great issues before us, we must act in a spirit of goodwill and respect for one another -- and I will do my part. Tonight the state of our Union is strong -- and together we will make it stronger. (Applause.)

In this decisive year, you and I will make choices that determine both the future and the character of our country. We will choose to act confidently in pursuing the enemies of freedom -- or retreat from our duties in the hope of an easier life. We will choose to build our prosperity by leading the world economy -- or shut ourselves off from trade and opportunity. In a complex and challenging time, the road of isolationism and protectionism may seem broad and inviting -- yet it ends in danger and decline. The only way to protect our people, the only way to secure the peace, the only way to control our destiny is by our leadership -- so the United States of America will continue to lead. (Applause.)

Abroad, our nation is committed to an historic, long-term goal -- we seek the end of tyranny in our world. Some dismiss that goal as misguided idealism. In reality, the future security of America depends on it. On September the 11th, 2001, we found that problems originating in a failed and oppressive state 7,000 miles away could bring murder and destruction to our country. Dictatorships shelter terrorists, and feed resentment and radicalism, and seek weapons of mass destruction. Democracies replace resentment with hope, respect the rights of their citizens and their neighbors, and join the fight against terror. Every step toward freedom in the world makes our country safer -- so we will act boldly in freedom's cause. (Applause.)

Far from being a hopeless dream, the advance of freedom is the great story of our time. In 1945, there were about two dozen lonely democracies in the world. Today, there are 122. And we're writing a new chapter in the story of self-government -- with women lining up to vote in Afghanistan, and millions of Iraqis marking their liberty with purple ink, and men and women from Lebanon to Egypt debating the rights of individuals and the necessity of freedom. At the start of 2006, more than half the people of our world live in democratic nations. And we do not forget the other half -- in places like Syria and Burma, Zimbabwe, North Korea, and Iran -- because the demands of justice, and the peace of this world, require their freedom, as well. (Applause.)

No one can deny the success of freedom, but some men rage and fight against it. And one of the main sources of reaction and opposition is radical Islam -- the perversion by a few of a noble faith into an ideology of terror and death. Terrorists like bin Laden are serious about mass murder -- and all of us must take their declared intentions seriously. They seek to impose a heartless system of totalitarian control throughout the Middle East, and arm themselves with weapons of mass murder.

Their aim is to seize power in Iraq, and use it as a safe haven to launch attacks against America and the world. Lacking the military strength to challenge us directly, the terrorists have chosen the weapon of fear. When they murder children at a school in Beslan, or blow up commuters in London, or behead a bound captive, the terrorists hope these horrors will break our will, allowing the violent to inherit the Earth. But they have miscalculated: We love our freedom, and we will fight to keep it. (Applause.)

In a time of testing, we cannot find security by abandoning our commitments and retreating within our borders. If we were to leave these vicious attackers alone, they would not leave us alone. They would simply move the battlefield to our own shores. There is no peace in retreat. And there is no honor in retreat. By allowing radical Islam to work its will -- by leaving an assaulted world to fend for itself -- we would signal to all that we no longer believe in our own ideals, or even in our own courage. But our enemies and our friends can be certain: The United States will not retreat from the world, and we will never surrender to evil. (Applause.)

America rejects the false comfort of isolationism. We are the nation that saved liberty in Europe, and liberated death camps, and helped raise up democracies, and faced down an evil empire. Once again, we accept the call of history to deliver the oppressed and move this world toward peace. We remain on the offensive against terror networks. We have killed or captured many of their leaders -- and for the others, their day will come.

We remain on the offensive in Afghanistan, where a fine President and a National Assembly are fighting terror while building the institutions of a new democracy. We're on the offensive in Iraq, with a clear plan for victory. First, we're helping Iraqis build an inclusive government, so that old resentments will be eased and the insurgency will be marginalized.

Second, we're continuing reconstruction efforts, and helping the Iraqi government to fight corruption and build a modern economy, so all Iraqis can experience the benefits of freedom. And, third, we're striking terrorist targets while we train Iraqi forces that are increasingly capable of defeating the enemy. Iraqis are showing their courage every day, and we are proud to be their allies in the cause of freedom. (Applause.)

Our work in Iraq is difficult because our enemy is brutal. But that brutality has not stopped the dramatic progress of a new democracy. In less than three years, the nation has gone from dictatorship to liberation, to sovereignty, to a constitution, to national elections. At the same time, our coalition has been relentless in shutting off terrorist infiltration, clearing out insurgent strongholds, and turning over territory to Iraqi security forces. I am confident in our plan for victory; I am confident in the will of the Iraqi people; I am confident in the skill and spirit of our military. Fellow citizens, we are in this fight to win, and we are winning. (Applause.)

The road of victory is the road that will take our troops home. As we make progress on the ground, and Iraqi forces increasingly take the lead, we should be able to further decrease our troop levels -- but those decisions will be made by our military commanders, not by politicians in Washington, D.C. (Applause.)

Our coalition has learned from our experience in Iraq. We've adjusted our military tactics and changed our approach to reconstruction. Along the way, we have benefitted from responsible criticism and counsel offered by members of Congress of both parties. In the coming year, I will continue to reach out and seek your good advice. Yet, there is a difference between responsible criticism that aims for success, and defeatism that refuses to acknowledge anything but failure. (Applause.) Hindsight alone is not wisdom, and second-guessing is not a strategy. (Applause.)

With so much in the balance, those of us in public office have a duty to speak with candor. A sudden withdrawal of our forces from Iraq would abandon our Iraqi allies to death and prison, would put men like bin Laden and Zarqawi in charge of a strategic country, and show that a pledge from America means little. Members of Congress, however we feel about the decisions and debates of the past, our nation has only one option: We must keep our word, defeat our enemies, and stand behind the American military in this vital mission. (Applause.)

Our men and women in uniform are making sacrifices -- and showing a sense of duty stronger than all fear. They know what it's like to fight house to house in a maze of streets, to wear heavy gear in the desert heat, to see a comrade killed by a roadside bomb. And those who know the costs also know the stakes. Marine Staff Sergeant Dan Clay was killed last month fighting in Fallujah. He left behind a letter to his family, but his words could just as well be addressed to every American. Here is what Dan wrote: "I know what honor is. … It has been an honor to protect and serve all of you. I faced death with the secure knowledge that you would not have to…. Never falter! Don't hesitate to honor and support those of us who have the honor of protecting that which is worth protecting."

Staff Sergeant Dan Clay's wife, Lisa, and his mom and dad, Sara Jo and Bud, are with us this evening. Welcome. (Applause.)

Our nation is grateful to the fallen, who live in the memory of our country. We're grateful to all who volunteer to wear our nation's uniform -- and as we honor our brave troops, let us never forget the sacrifices of America's military families. (Applause.)

Our offensive against terror involves more than military action. Ultimately, the only way to defeat the terrorists is to defeat their dark vision of hatred and fear by offering the hopeful alternative of political freedom and peaceful change. So the United States of America supports democratic reform across the broader Middle East. Elections are vital, but they are only the beginning. Raising up a democracy requires the rule of law, and protection of minorities, and strong, accountable institutions that last longer than a single vote.

The great people of Egypt have voted in a multi-party presidential election -- and now their government should open paths of peaceful opposition that will reduce the appeal of radicalism. The Palestinian people have voted in elections. And now the leaders of Hamas must recognize Israel, disarm, reject terrorism, and work for lasting peace. (Applause.) Saudi Arabia has taken the first steps of reform -- now it can offer its people a better future by pressing forward with those efforts. Democracies in the Middle East will not look like our own, because they will reflect the traditions of their own citizens. Yet liberty is the future of every nation in the Middle East, because liberty is the right and hope of all humanity. (Applause.)

The same is true of Iran, a nation now held hostage by a small clerical elite that is isolating and repressing its people. The regime in that country sponsors terrorists in the Palestinian territories and in Lebanon -- and that must come to an end. (Applause.) The Iranian government is defying the world with its nuclear ambitions, and the nations of the world must not permit the Iranian regime to gain nuclear weapons. (Applause.) America will continue to rally the world to confront these threats.

Tonight, let me speak directly to the citizens of Iran: America respects you, and we respect your country. We respect your right to choose your own future and win your own freedom. And our nation hopes one day to be the closest of friends with a free and democratic Iran. (Applause.)

To overcome dangers in our world, we must also take the offensive by encouraging economic progress, and fighting disease, and spreading hope in hopeless lands. Isolationism would not only tie our hands in fighting enemies, it would keep us from helping our friends in desperate need. We show compassion abroad because Americans believe in the God-given dignity and worth of a villager with HIV/AIDS, or an infant with malaria, or a refugee fleeing genocide, or a young girl sold into slavery. We also show compassion abroad because regions overwhelmed by poverty, corruption, and despair are sources of terrorism, and organized crime, and human trafficking, and the drug trade.

In recent years, you and I have taken unprecedented action to fight AIDS and malaria, expand the education of girls, and reward developing nations that are moving forward with economic and political reform. For people everywhere, the United States is a partner for a better life. Short-changing these efforts would increase the suffering and chaos of our world, undercut our long-term security, and dull the conscience of our country. I urge members of Congress to serve the interests of America by showing the compassion of America.

Our country must also remain on the offensive against terrorism here at home. The enemy has not lost the desire or capability to attack us. Fortunately, this nation has superb professionals in law enforcement, intelligence, the military, and homeland security. These men and women are dedicating their lives, protecting us all, and they deserve our support and our thanks. (Applause.) They also deserve the same tools they already use to fight drug trafficking and organized crime -- so I ask you to reauthorize the Patriot Act. (Applause.)

It is said that prior to the attacks of September the 11th, our government failed to connect the dots of the conspiracy. We now know that two of the hijackers in the United States placed telephone calls to al Qaeda operatives overseas. But we did not know about their plans until it was too late. So to prevent another attack –- based on authority given to me by the Constitution and by statute -- I have authorized a terrorist surveillance program to aggressively pursue the international communications of suspected al Qaeda operatives and affiliates to and from America. Previous Presidents have used the same constitutional authority I have, and federal courts have approved the use of that authority. Appropriate members of Congress have been kept informed. The terrorist surveillance program has helped prevent terrorist attacks. It remains essential to the security of America. If there are people inside our country who are talking with al Qaeda, we want to know about it, because we will not sit back and wait to be hit again. (Applause.)

In all these areas -- from the disruption of terror networks, to victory in Iraq, to the spread of freedom and hope in troubled regions -- we need the support of our friends and allies. To draw that support, we must always be clear in our principles and willing to act. The only alternative to American leadership is a dramatically more dangerous and anxious world. Yet we also choose to lead because it is a privilege to serve the values that gave us birth. American leaders -- from Roosevelt to Truman to Kennedy to Reagan -- rejected isolation and retreat, because they knew that America is always more secure when freedom is on the march.

Our own generation is in a long war against a determined enemy -- a war that will be fought by Presidents of both parties, who will need steady bipartisan support from the Congress. And tonight I ask for yours. Together, let us protect our country, support the men and women who defend us, and lead this world toward freedom. (Applause.)

Here at home, America also has a great opportunity: We will build the prosperity of our country by strengthening our economic leadership in the world.

Our economy is healthy and vigorous, and growing faster than other major industrialized nations. In the last two-and-a-half years, America has created 4.6 million new jobs -- more than Japan and the European Union combined. (Applause.) Even in the face of higher energy prices and natural disasters, the American people have turned in an economic performance that is the envy of the world.

The American economy is preeminent, but we cannot afford to be complacent. In a dynamic world economy, we are seeing new competitors, like China and India, and this creates uncertainty, which makes it easier to feed people's fears. So we're seeing some old temptations return. Protectionists want to escape competition, pretending that we can keep our high standard of living while walling off our economy. Others say that the government needs to take a larger role in directing the economy, centralizing more power in Washington and increasing taxes. We hear claims that immigrants are somehow bad for the economy -- even though this economy could not function without them. (Applause.) All these are forms of economic retreat, and they lead in the same direction -- toward a stagnant and second-rate economy.

Tonight I will set out a better path: an agenda for a nation that competes with confidence; an agenda that will raise standards of living and generate new jobs. Americans should not fear our economic future, because we intend to shape it.

Keeping America competitive begins with keeping our economy growing. And our economy grows when Americans have more of their own money to spend, save, and invest. In the last five years, the tax relief you passed has left $880 billion in the hands of American workers, investors, small businesses, and families -- and they have used it to help produce more than four years of uninterrupted economic growth. (Applause.) Yet the tax relief is set to expire in the next few years. If we do nothing, American families will face a massive tax increase they do not expect and will not welcome.

Because America needs more than a temporary expansion, we need more than temporary tax relief. I urge the Congress to act responsibly, and make the tax cuts permanent. (Applause.)

Keeping America competitive requires us to be good stewards of tax dollars. Every year of my presidency, we've reduced the growth of non-security discretionary spending, and last year you passed bills that cut this spending. This year my budget will cut it again, and reduce or eliminate more than 140 programs that are performing poorly or not fulfilling essential priorities. By passing these reforms, we will save the American taxpayer another $14 billion next year, and stay on track to cut the deficit in half by 2009. (Applause.)

I am pleased that members of Congress are working on earmark reform, because the federal budget has too many special interest projects. (Applause.) And we can tackle this problem together, if you pass the line-item veto. (Applause.)

We must also confront the larger challenge of mandatory spending, or entitlements. This year, the first of about 78 million baby boomers turn 60, including two of my Dad's favorite people -- me and President Clinton. (Laughter.) This milestone is more than a personal crisis -- (laughter) -- it is a national challenge. The retirement of the baby boom generation will put unprecedented strains on the federal government. By 2030, spending for Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid alone will be almost 60 percent of the entire federal budget. And that will present future Congresses with impossible choices -- staggering tax increases, immense deficits, or deep cuts in every category of spending.

Congress did not act last year on my proposal to save Social Security -- (applause) -- yet the rising cost of entitlements is a problem that is not going away. (Applause.) And every year we fail to act, the situation gets worse.

So tonight, I ask you to join me in creating a commission to examine the full impact of baby boom retirements on Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid. This commission should include members of Congress of both parties, and offer bipartisan solutions. We need to put aside partisan politics and work together and get this problem solved. (Applause.)

Keeping America competitive requires us to open more markets for all that Americans make and grow. One out of every five factory jobs in America is related to global trade, and we want people everywhere to buy American. With open markets and a level playing field, no one can out-produce or out-compete the American worker. (Applause.)

Keeping America competitive requires an immigration system that upholds our laws, reflects our values, and serves the interests of our economy. Our nation needs orderly and secure borders. (Applause.) To meet this goal, we must have stronger immigration enforcement and border protection. (Applause.) And we must have a rational, humane guest worker program that rejects amnesty, allows temporary jobs for people who seek them legally, and reduces smuggling and crime at the border. (Applause.)

Keeping America competitive requires affordable health care. (Applause.) Our government has a responsibility to provide health care for the poor and the elderly, and we are meeting that responsibility. (Applause.) For all Americans -- for all Americans, we must confront the rising cost of care, strengthen the doctor-patient relationship, and help people afford the insurance coverage they need. (Applause.)

We will make wider use of electronic records and other health information technology, to help control costs and reduce dangerous medical errors. We will strengthen health savings accounts -- making sure individuals and small business employees can buy insurance with the same advantages that people working for big businesses now get. (Applause.) We will do more to make this coverage portable, so workers can switch jobs without having to worry about losing their health insurance. (Applause.) And because lawsuits are driving many good doctors out of practice -- leaving women in nearly 1,500 American counties without a single OB/GYN -- I ask the Congress to pass medical liability reform this year. (Applause.)

Keeping America competitive requires affordable energy. And here we have a serious problem: America is addicted to oil, which is often imported from unstable parts of the world. The best way to break this addiction is through technology. Since 2001, we have spent nearly $10 billion to develop cleaner, cheaper, and more reliable alternative energy sources -- and we are on the threshold of incredible advances.

So tonight, I announce the Advanced Energy Initiative -- a 22-percent increase in clean-energy research -- at the Department of Energy, to push for breakthroughs in two vital areas. To change how we power our homes and offices, we will invest more in zero-emission coal-fired plants, revolutionary solar and wind technologies, and clean, safe nuclear energy. (Applause.)

We must also change how we power our automobiles. We will increase our research in better batteries for hybrid and electric cars, and in pollution-free cars that run on hydrogen. We'll also fund additional research in cutting-edge methods of producing ethanol, not just from corn, but from wood chips and stalks, or switch grass. Our goal is to make this new kind of ethanol practical and competitive within six years. (Applause.)

Breakthroughs on this and other new technologies will help us reach another great goal: to replace more than 75 percent of our oil imports from the Middle East by 2025. (Applause.) By applying the talent and technology of America, this country can dramatically improve our environment, move beyond a petroleum-based economy, and make our dependence on Middle Eastern oil a thing of the past. (Applause.)

And to keep America competitive, one commitment is necessary above all: We must continue to lead the world in human talent and creativity. Our greatest advantage in the world has always been our educated, hardworking, ambitious people -- and we're going to keep that edge. Tonight I announce an American Competitiveness Initiative, to encourage innovation throughout our economy, and to give our nation's children a firm grounding in math and science. (Applause.)

First, I propose to double the federal commitment to the most critical basic research programs in the physical sciences over the next 10 years. This funding will support the work of America's most creative minds as they explore promising areas such as nanotechnology, supercomputing, and alternative energy sources.

Second, I propose to make permanent the research and development tax credit -- (applause) -- to encourage bolder private-sector initiatives in technology. With more research in both the public and private sectors, we will improve our quality of life -- and ensure that America will lead the world in opportunity and innovation for decades to come. (Applause.)

Third, we need to encourage children to take more math and science, and to make sure those courses are rigorous enough to compete with other nations. We've made a good start in the early grades with the No Child Left Behind Act, which is raising standards and lifting test scores across our country. Tonight I propose to train 70,000 high school teachers to lead advanced-placement courses in math and science, bring 30,000 math and science professionals to teach in classrooms, and give early help to students who struggle with math, so they have a better chance at good, high-wage jobs. If we ensure that America's children succeed in life, they will ensure that America succeeds in the world. (Applause.)

Preparing our nation to compete in the world is a goal that all of us can share. I urge you to support the American Competitiveness Initiative, and together we will show the world what the American people can achieve.

America is a great force for freedom and prosperity. Yet our greatness is not measured in power or luxuries, but by who we are and how we treat one another. So we strive to be a compassionate, decent, hopeful society.

In recent years, America has become a more hopeful nation. Violent crime rates have fallen to their lowest levels since the 1970s. Welfare cases have dropped by more than half over the past decade. Drug use among youth is down 19 percent since 2001. There are fewer abortions in America than at any point in the last three decades, and the number of children born to teenage mothers has been falling for a dozen years in a row. (Applause.)

These gains are evidence of a quiet transformation -- a revolution of conscience, in which a rising generation is finding that a life of personal responsibility is a life of fulfillment. Government has played a role. Wise policies, such as welfare reform and drug education and support for abstinence and adoption have made a difference in the character of our country. And everyone here tonight, Democrat and Republican, has a right to be proud of this record. (Applause.)

Yet many Americans, especially parents, still have deep concerns about the direction of our culture, and the health of our most basic institutions. They're concerned about unethical conduct by public officials, and discouraged by activist courts that try to redefine marriage. They worry about children in our society who need direction and love, and about fellow citizens still displaced by natural disaster, and about suffering caused by treatable diseases.

As we look at these challenges, we must never give in to the belief that America is in decline, or that our culture is doomed to unravel. The American people know better than that. We have proven the pessimists wrong before -- and we will do it again. (Applause.)

A hopeful society depends on courts that deliver equal justice under the law. The Supreme Court now has two superb new members -- new members on its bench: Chief Justice John Roberts and Justice Sam Alito. (Applause.) I thank the Senate for confirming both of them. I will continue to nominate men and women who understand that judges must be servants of the law, and not legislate from the bench. (Applause.)

Today marks the official retirement of a very special American. For 24 years of faithful service to our nation, the United States is grateful to Justice Sandra Day O'Connor. (Applause.)

A hopeful society has institutions of science and medicine that do not cut ethical corners, and that recognize the matchless value of every life. Tonight I ask you to pass legislation to prohibit the most egregious abuses of medical research: human cloning in all its forms, creating or implanting embryos for experiments, creating human-animal hybrids, and buying, selling, or patenting human embryos. Human life is a gift from our Creator -- and that gift should never be discarded, devalued or put up for sale. (Applause.)

A hopeful society expects elected officials to uphold the public trust. (Applause.) Honorable people in both parties are working on reforms to strengthen the ethical standards of Washington -- I support your efforts. Each of us has made a pledge to be worthy of public responsibility -- and that is a pledge we must never forget, never dismiss, and never betray. (Applause.)

As we renew the promise of our institutions, let us also show the character of America in our compassion and care for one another.

A hopeful society gives special attention to children who lack direction and love. Through the Helping America's Youth Initiative, we are encouraging caring adults to get involved in the life of a child -- and this good work is being led by our First Lady, Laura Bush. (Applause.) This year we will add resources to encourage young people to stay in school, so more of America's youth can raise their sights and achieve their dreams.

A hopeful society comes to the aid of fellow citizens in times of suffering and emergency -- and stays at it until they're back on their feet. So far the federal government has committed $85 billion to the people of the Gulf Coast and New Orleans. We're removing debris and repairing highways and rebuilding stronger levees. We're providing business loans and housing assistance. Yet as we meet these immediate needs, we must also address deeper challenges that existed before the storm arrived.

In New Orleans and in other places, many of our fellow citizens have felt excluded from the promise of our country. The answer is not only temporary relief, but schools that teach every child, and job skills that bring upward mobility, and more opportunities to own a home and start a business. As we recover from a disaster, let us also work for the day when all Americans are protected by justice, equal in hope, and rich in opportunity. (Applause.)

A hopeful society acts boldly to fight diseases like HIV/AIDS, which can be prevented, and treated, and defeated. More than a million Americans live with HIV, and half of all AIDS cases occur among African Americans. I ask Congress to reform and reauthorize the Ryan White Act, and provide new funding to states, so we end the waiting lists for AIDS medicines in America. (Applause.) We will also lead a nationwide effort, working closely with African American churches and faith-based groups, to deliver rapid HIV tests to millions, end the stigma of AIDS, and come closer to the day when there are no new infections in America. (Applause.)

Fellow citizens, we've been called to leadership in a period of consequence. We've entered a great ideological conflict we did nothing to invite. We see great changes in science and commerce that will influence all our lives. Sometimes it can seem that history is turning in a wide arc, toward an unknown shore. Yet the destination of history is determined by human action, and every great movement of history comes to a point of choosing.

Lincoln could have accepted peace at the cost of disunity and continued slavery. Martin Luther King could have stopped at Birmingham or at Selma, and achieved only half a victory over segregation. The United States could have accepted the permanent division of Europe, and been complicit in the oppression of others. Today, having come far in our own historical journey, we must decide: Will we turn back, or finish well?

Before history is written down in books, it is written in courage. Like Americans before us, we will show that courage and we will finish well. We will lead freedom's advance. We will compete and excel in the global economy. We will renew the defining moral commitments of this land. And so we move forward -- optimistic about our country, faithful to its cause, and confident of the victories to come.

May God bless America. (Applause.)

U.S. Special Representative Frank G. Wisner to visit Belgrade. Den Amerikansle Ambassade i Beograd har udsendt flg.:

February 2, 2006
Embassy of the United States of America, Belgrade

U.S. Special Representative Frank G. Wisner to Visit Belgrade on February 3

Ambassador Frank G. Wisner, U.S. Special Representative to the Kosovo Status Talks, will visit Belgrade on February 3. During the short visit, Ambassador Wisner will meet Prime Minister Kostunica, President Tadic and Patriarch Pavle. This is Ambassador Wisner's first trip to Belgrade, and he will focus on developing relationships with Serbia's political and religious leaders and discussing issues of interest to the Serbian people in advance of the negotiations on the future status of Kosovo.

Ambassador Wisner was appointed by U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice as her Special Representative to the Kosovo Status Talks in December 2005. In this role, Ambassador Wisner will provide American support to the lead international negotiator, UN Special Envoy Martti Ahtisaari, in his efforts to bring together Serbian and Kosovar leaders for discussions on Kosovo’s future status. With our Contact Group partners and in support of the UN Special Envoy’s efforts, the United States will seek to secure a settlement on Kosovo’s status that promotes security for all peoples of the Balkans and advances the region’s integration with Euro-Atlantic institutions.

Ambassador Wisner is a seasoned diplomat with more than 30 years of international experience. He served his country with distinction as Ambassador to India, the Philippines, Egypt and Zambia and as the Under Secretary of State for International Security Affairs and as the Under Secretary of Defense for Policy. Ambassador Wisner was born in New York in 1938. He graduated from Princeton University with a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1961. He is married to the former Christine de Ganay. They have four children.

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ENGLAND

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TYSKLAND

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FRANKRIG

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DANMARK (NORGE, SVERIGE)


Ugerapport fra Dansk KFOR. Hærens Operative Kommando - se under: Kosova.


Parkeringsproblemer i København. Morgenavisen Jyllandspostens Københavnstillæg bragte tirsdag 31.1.2006 en artikel om at mange af de udenlandske ambassader parkerer ulovligt og ikke betaler deres parkeringsbøder. Én af dem der »scorede højt« var den albanske ambassade. Luljeta Minxhozi, 2' sekretær på ambassaden, oplyste at en væsentlig del af årsagen var, at der var mange der parkerede på dén plads der tilhørte ambassaden, og at dén derfor var nødt til at parkere et andet sted. Henvendelser til parkeringsmyndighederne havde ikke givet det ønskede resultat. Hun håbede at der kunne komme en dialog i gang.

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LANDE UDEN FOR BALKAN OG ØSTLIGE MIDDELHAV. IKKE NATO-LANDE


RUSLAND

UMs Rejsevejledning: http://www.um.dk/da/menu/Borgerservice/FoerRejsen/Rejsevejledninger/RejsevejledningRusland.htm

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KINA

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Nye biografier på Wikipedia:

Fra Albanien:

Fatos Nano



Fatos Nano, foto: Bjørn Andersen, http://bjoerna.dk, 2004

Fatos Thanas Nano (født 16. september 1952) er en albansk politiker. Han har flere gange været premierminister og var formand for Albaniens Socialistparti frem til valget 2005.

Indholdsfortegnelse

* 1 Uddannelse og karriere i Hoxha-tiden og i overgangsperioden
* 2 Fængslet af Sali Berisha i 1994, men løsladt i 1997
* 3 1997-2003: Magtkampe. Bruddet med Ilir Meta
* 4 2003-2005: Alliancer til flere sider, men tabte valget i 2005
* 5 Personligt
* 6 Kilder

Uddannelse og karriere i Hoxha-tiden og i overgangsperioden

Fatos Nano blev uddannet som økonom i Hoxha-tiden og har en doktorgrad i sit fag. Han har været ansat på Metalkombinatet i Elbasan fra 1975 til 1978 og i en landbrugsvirksomhed i Priskë ved Tirana fra 1981 til 1983. Desuden har han undervist i økonomi fra 1978 til 1981 og fra 1984 til 1990.

Han blev et efterhånden fremstående medlem af kommunistpartiet og fik i overgangstiden forskellige regeringsposter, han blev således generalsekretær for Ministerrådet i december 1990 og medlem af Præsidentrådet i februar 1991. Han blev premierminister i en overgangsregering fra februar 1991 til juni samme år, hvor han blev erstattet med Ylli Bufi. Herefter var han i en kort periode minister for økonomisk samarbejde med udlandet.

Fra midten af 1991 var han formand for Socialisterne, der var udsprunget af kommunistpartiet.

Fængslet af Sali Berisha i 1994, men løsladt i 1997

Fatos Nano blev - mens Sali Berisha var præsident og Demokraterne havde regeringsmagten - anholdt i april 1994 og idømt 12 års fængsel for uretmæssig tilegnelse af statens ejendom og for forfalskning af papirer - begge dele i forbindelse med modtagelse af italiensk nødhjælp i 1991. Retssagen blev kritiseret af mange albanere og fra udenlandsk side for ikke at opfylde almindelige krav til en retssag.

Sali Berisha blev tvunget til at give Fatos Nano amnesti under de omfattende uroligheder i sommeren 1997 og løslod ham.

1997-2003: Magtkampe. Bruddet med Ilir Meta

Efter parlamentsvalget senere i 1997 blev Fatos Nano igen premierminister. Han flygtede til Makedonien i september 1998, efter attentatet på den fremstående demokratiske politiker Azem Hajdari, da han frygtede, at de efterfølgende uroligheder ville føre til at han blev dræbt. Efter sin tilbagekomst til Albanien trådte Nano tilbage som premierminister som følge af meget stærk kritik fra andre fremstående medlemmer af Socialisterne. Han blev erstattet af Pandeli Majko.

Fatos Nano blev imidlertid igen valgt som formand for Socialisterne 10. oktober 1999 mod Pandeli Majko og Ilir Meta.

I 1999 frikendte en domstol ham i sagen om den italienske nødhjælp, og han fik tilkendt en stor erstatning.

I de følgende år pågik der en magtkamp i partiet mellem partiformanden Fatos Nano, Pandeli Majko og Ilir Meta (premierminister fra september 1999), og der blev indgået skiftende alliancer.

Fatos Nano rejste i december 2001 - nogle måneder efter valget - beskyldninger mod fire af Metas ministre for korruption og tvang dem og Meta til at trække sig tilbage. Herefter blev Pandeli Majko - efter kampafstemning hos Socialisterne - premierminister i en kort periode på et halvt år fra februar til juli 2002, hvor Fatos Nano påny dannede regering. Dette hang sammen med, at man i partiet - på Nanos tilskyndelse - besluttede, at det altid skulle være partiformanden, der i givet fald skulle være premierminister.

Pandeli Majko blev forsvarsminister, og han og Fatos Nano syntes i stigende grad at samarbejde med hinanden.

Ilir Meta var i en periode vicepremierminister og udenrigsminister, men forholdet mellem ham og Nano var destruktivt og hadefuldt, og han blev i juli 2003 provokeret af Nano til at forlade regeringen. Dette udløste imidlertid en krise der varede flere måneder, og som bl.a. indebar, at Nano ikke kunne få accepteret nye ministre, særligt en ny udenrigsminister.

2003-2005: Alliancer til flere sider, men tabte valget i 2005

På partikongressen i slutningen af 2003 indgik Fatos Nano alliance til flere sider, bl.a. med én af dem han december 2001 havde beskyldt for korruption, og vandt en overvældende sejr over sine modkandidater, tidligere præsident Rexhep Meidani og Tiranas borgmester Edi Rama.

Det stod klart, at Meta-fløjen kun havde en meget begrænset opbakning i partiet. Med de nye alliancer sikrede Nano sig efterfølgende den fornødne tilslutning i parlamentet til ministerudnævnelserne. Noget senere forlod Meta partiet og stiftede et nyt.

Det lykkedes Fatos Nano igennem årene at etablere og fastholde et samarbejde til venstre med Socialdemokraterne, Demokratisk Alliance m.fl., men han tabte ikke desto mindre parlamentsvalget i juli 2005. Herefter trådte han også tilbage som partiformand.

Han udtrykte sig i skarpe vendinger mod valget af Edi Rama som hans efterfølger som partiformand og truede med i givet fald at udtræde af partiet og stifte et nyt, hvilket han dog ikke hidtil har gjort alvor af.

Mange albanske erhvervsfolk har rost Nano for at have ført Albanien i den rigtige retning, dvs. i retning af optagelse i EU, mens mange andre albanere, berettiget eller ej, har set Nano som en korrupt og magtbegærlig politiker.

Personligt

Fatos Nano var i mange år gift med Rexhina Nano, men blev under stor presseomtale skilt fra hende og i stedet gift med skuespilleren Xhoana i en ortodoks kirke.

Kilder

* Kilde: Bjørn Andersen: Albansk navnebog 2000
* Bjørn Andersen: Forskellige udgaver af Albansk Almanak og derigennem på søgning i mange medier fra 1998 og frem.

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Fra Kosóva:


Agim Çeku

Agim Çeku (født 29. oktober 1960 i Pec-området (på albansk: Pejë-området) er en fremtrædende Kososo albaner. Han er chef for TMK, beredsskabsstyrkerne.

Han er søn af Hasan Çeku og gift med Dragica Çeku.

Indholdsfortegnelse
* 1 Militær uddannelse og karriere. Brigadegeneral i den kroatiske hær
* 2 Øverste militære chef for UÇK
* 3 UÇK's demilitarisering. Etablering af TMK
* 4 Serbien har forlangt ham fængslet og sigtet for krigsforbrydelser. International vurdering
* 5 Kilder

Militær uddannelse og karriere. Brigadegeneral i den kroatiske hær

Agim Çeku blev uddannet på et militært gymnasium i Beograd, Serbien, og derefter på militærakademiet i Zadar, Kroatien. Både Serbien og Kroatien indgik déngang i Jugoslavien. Agim Çeku opnåede kaptajnsrang i den jugoslaviske hær.

I oktober 1991 forlod han den jugoslaviske hær og indtrådte i den kroatiske. Han deltog i kampe mod serberne (f.eks. under Operation Maslenica og - i 1993 - under Operation Medak Pocket, hvor han blev såret). Han avancerede til brigadegeneral i september 1995 og blev chef for den 9' Ingeniørbrigade. Derefter deltog han i Operation Storm og - som det udtrykkes - i Befrielsen af Det Vestlige Bosnien. Sidst blev han chef for de militære enheder i Rijeka-regionen.

Øverste militære chef for UÇK

Agim Çeku trådte officielt ud af den kroatiske hær i februar 1999, hvorefter han blev den øverste militære chef for UÇK, den kroatiske hærledelse ville ikke acceptere hans ønske om at udtræde allerede i 1998. Agim Çeku har oplyst, at han fra april 1999 forsøgte at gennemføre en massemobilisering i Kosovo og at etablere en egentlig og samlet ledelse af UÇK.

UÇK's demilitarisering. Etablering af TMK

Agim Çeku stod på god fod med KFOR's første chef, den britiske general Mike Jackson og forhandlede UÇK's demilitarisering med ham.

Han har vendt sig mod de forfølgelser af Kosovo serberne, der fandt sted i tiden efter KFOR's indrykning.

I slutningen af september 1999 blev han - med generalsrang - chef for de nyoprettede beredsskabsstyrker TMK (på engelsk: KPC, Kosovo Protection Corps).

Serbien har forlangt ham fængslet og sigtet for krigsforbrydelser. International vurdering

Den serbiske regering har forlangt, at Agim Çeku fængsles og udleveres til ICTY med henblik på at der rejses sag mod ham for krigsforbrydelser i krigen mellem Kroatien og serbiske styrker. Ved en enkelt lejlighed er han - som følge af en serbisk arrestordre - blevet kortvarigt tilbageholdt i en lufthavn, da han var i transit, men blev hurtigt løsladt.

Der foreligger ikke oplysninger om, at ICTY forbereder en sag mod ham, men det må formodes, at man har foretaget en diskret undersøgelse, eftersom han har en så høj profil.

Der er internationalt et generelt positivt indtryk af Agim Çeku, både som en positiv aktør i nedlæggelsen af UÇK og i den efterfølgende etablering og opbygning af TMK.

Kilder

* Bjørn Andersen: Albansk navnebog 2000
* Bjørn Andersen: Forskellige udgaver af Albansk Almanak

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Adem Demaçi

Adem Demaçi (født 26. februar 1936) er en Kosovo albansk menneskerettighedsforkæmper og politiker.

Han har været været fængslet i 28 år, hvoraf 6 i isolation og fik sin første dom i 1958, dvs. langt tilbage i Titos tid. Omkring 1960 grundlagde Demaçi Den Revolutionære Bevægelse for Forening af Albanerne, som fik omkring 300 medlemmer - flere af dem blev fængslet i 1964.

Demaçi blev benådet i 1990, dvs. omtrent samtidig med at en anden fremtrædende Kosovo albansk politiker Azem Vllasi blev frikendt og løsladt. Som følge af den lange fængsling er der flere Kosovo albanere, der omtaler ham som Kosovos Nelson Mandela.

Efter benådningen arbejdede han som skribent og redaktør (Zëri).

Europa-Parlamentet gav ham i 1991 Sakharov Prisen.

Indholdsfortegnelse
* 1 Demaçis politiske opfattelse. Imod Rambouillet-forhandlingerne
* 2 Holdningen til NATO-interventionen i 1999
* 3 Siden krigen i 1999
* 4 Kilder

Demaçis politiske opfattelse. Imod Rambouillet-forhandlingerne

Adem Demaçi var ikke særlig enig med Ibrahim Rugova, heller ikke omkring 1998-1999. Han gik dengang ind for en løsere sammenslutning af Serbien, Montenegro og Kosovo, hvor hver del skulle være en selvstændig stat med egen regering, eget militær og med åbne grænser. Dette standpunkt opretholdt han en tid efter Serbiens militære nederlag i sommeren 1999. Demaçi har så vidt vides ikke - som professor Rexhep Qosja - næret idéer i retning af en sammenslutning med Albanien og albansk dominerede dele af Makedonien og Montenegro.

I slutningen af 1998 var Adem Demaçi i en kort periode politisk rådgiver for UÇK, hvad der forekom overraskende, når man tog hans grundlæggende synspunkt om, at der skulle forhandles mellem albanerne og serberne, i betragtning.

Da han frarådede, at man deltog i Rambouillet-forhandlingerne, der var iværksat og domineret af ydre kræfter som USA og England (som en nødvendig fase før en sandsynlig militær intervention), blev hans synspunkter tilsidesat af Hashim Thaçis fløj. Han blev kontaktet herom af den amerikanske udenrigsminister, Madeleine Albright, men afviste hendes opfordring om at vise og anbefale dén forhandlingsvillighed, hun ønskede. Demaçi mente (må det formodes), at Kosovo albanerne snarere blev en brik i en storpolitisk manøvre, end at de selv udviklede og løftede et ansvar for deres egen politiske fremtid.

Adem Demaçi antog, at Rambouillet-forhandlingerne ikke ville føre til noget positivt, men tværtimod til skærpet væbnet konfrontation og yderligere serbisk undertrykkelse af albanerne - ikke mindst fordi han fandt, at den albanske side ikke endnu var nået til en tilfredsstillende grad af politisk enighed.

Trods hans modstand mod forhandlingerne havde det - på grund af den store anseelse han nød blandt Kosovo albanerne - været naturligt, at han indgik i den albanske forhandlingsdelegation, men det blev ikke tilfældet, hvad enten det skyldtes hans egen afvisning heraf eller Hashim Thaçi-fløjens modstand.

Holdningen til NATO-interventionen i 1999

Demaçi var også meget skeptisk over for NATO-aktionen, bl.a. over at den kun blev gennemført med fly- og bombeangreb, hvad der muliggjorde, at serberne kunne fortsætte med at undertrykke Kosovo albanerne på landjorden. Han talte for, at der i stedet etableredes en situation, hvor serbere og albanere mødtes for at aftale de fremtidige vilkår, men eventuelt sådan at de aftalte vilkår garanteredes af stormagterne.

Demaçi forblev i Prishtina under krigen og blev flere gange taget i forvaring af serbisk politi og ved en enkelt lejlighed truet på livet af en politimand.

Siden krigen i 1999

Efter krigen i 1999 har Adem Demaçi deltaget i forskellige aktiviteter, bl.a. i samarbejde med OSCE. Han talte for, at man på den nye baggrund, der var opstået, sikrede vilkårene for de etniske minoriteter i Kosovo som f.eks. romaerne.

Demaçi har talt for, at man indledningsvis brugte mere tid på den økonomiske, sociale og kulturelle genopbygning af Kosovo og på at opbygge en politisk enighed mellem de meget forskellige politiske opfattelser blandt serberne, før man gennemførte valg.

Én af Demaçis nære allierede - studenteraktivisten Albin Kurti - blev fængslet af serbiske myndigheder under krigen og sendt til Serbien, hvor han i marts 2000 fik en fængselsdom på 15 år. Han er senere blevet løsladt og vendt hjem til Kosovo, hvor han har fortsat sit politiske arbejde.

Demaçi har stor betydning som ikon, men hans politiske indflydelse på den albanske politik anses for at være begrænset.

Kilder

* Bjørn Andersen: Albansk navnebog 2000
* Bjørn Andersen: Forskellige udgaver af Albansk Almanak

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Ramush Haradinaj

Ramush Haradinaj (født 3. juli 1968 i Glodjane i Decani-området i Kosovo (på albansk: Gllogjan i Deçan-området i Kosova).

Han boede frem til guerilla-krigen i Kosovo i Lausanne, Schweiz.

Indholdsfortegnelse
* 1 Guerillakrigen og straks derefter
* 2 Etablerer Alliancen for Kosovos Fremtid
* 3 Premierminister. ICTY's sigtelse. Tilbagetræden og fængsling
* 4 Midlertidig løsladelse
* 5 Brødrene
* 6 Kilder

Guerillakrigen og straks derefter

Ramush Haradinaj - der gik under dæknavnet Smajl - spillede en stor rolle i kamp mod serberne i slutningen af 1990'erne. Han blev leder af UÇK i Dukagjin-området, der ligger nær Montenegro.

Efter afslutningen af krigen i 1999, blev han næstkommanderende i TMK efter at have været områdechef i Dukagjin-området en kort tid.

Der var på dette tidspunkt mange forlydender om, at Haradinaj var eller havde været involveret i smugling af benzin og tobak mellem Montenegro og Kosovo. Ramush Haradinaj har selv bestridt rygterne og sagt, at de stammer fra personer, han har påstået var involveret i sådanne aktiviteter.

Etablerer Alliancen for Kosovos Fremtid

I begyndelsen af marts 2000 tog Haradinaj initiativ til at danne et nyt politisk forbund, der fik navnet Alliancen for Kosovos Fremtid (på engelsk: Alliance for the Future of Kosovo), og han blev selv leder af det. Alliancen består af fire partier: The People's Movement for Kosovo (LPK), The National Movement for the Liberation of Kosovo (LKCK), The Albanian Unification Party (UNIKOMB) og The Parliamentary Party of Kosovo (PPK). Haradinaj har sagt, at han ønskede at imødegå dén politiske polarisering, der bestod mellem Ibrahim Rugovas LDK og Hashim Thaçis PPDK. Det politiske engagement førte til, at han trådte tilbage som næstkommanderende i TMK.

Premierminister. ICTY's sigtelse. Tilbagetræden og fængsling

Efter valget i Kosovo i oktober 2004, indgik Haradinaj og hans parti en aftale med Ibrahim Rugovas parti, der betød, at Rugova fortsatte som præsident, og at Haradinaj blev premierminister, mens Hashim Thaçis parti måtte gå i opposition.

Fra serbisk side forlangte man, at Haradinaj straks skulle træde tilbage, og at ICTY skulle sigte ham for krigsforbrydelser.

ICTY sigtede Haradinaj i 24. februar 2005, men næppe fordi dette blev forlangt fra serbisk side. Haradinaj nedlagde straks sin post som premierminister, meldte sig frivilligt i Haag og blev fængslet.

Haradinaj blev efterfulgt som premierminister af Bajram Kosumi fra samme parti.

Midlertidig løsladelse

I juni 2005 besluttede ICTY imidlertid at løslade ham, indtil sagen skulle for tribunalet. Haradinaj rejste derefter til Kosovo, hvor han har fået tilladelse til at opholde sig under forudsætning af, at han ikke involverer sig i politisk virksomhed.

Brødrene

Også Ramush Haradinajs brødre har været aktive i UÇK. To brødre Shkelzen Haradinaj og Luan Haradinaj blev dræbt under krigen mod serberne. En ældre bror, Avni Haradinaj blev dræbt i februar 2000 af franske KFOR-styrker, hvilket sandsynligvis var en fejltagelse. En bror, Daut Haradinaj, er blevet fængslet i fire år af en domstol i Kosovo, og en yngre bror Enver Haradinaj blev - muligvis som led i en fejde - dræbt i april 2005, mens Ramush Haradinaj var fængslet i Haag. Ramush Haradinaj blev løsladt midlertidigt 24 timer 17. april 2005 for at deltage i denne brors begravelse.

Kilder

* Bjørn Andersen: Forskellige udgaver af Albansk Almanak og derigennem på søgning i mange medier fra 1998 og frem.
* ICTY's side om sagen mod Ramush Haradinaj

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Bajram Kosumi

Bajram Kosumi (født 20. marts 1960 er en Kosovo albansk politiker.

Han har - som studenteraktivist - været fængslet i 10 år af serbiske myndigheder fra 1981 til 1991, arbejdet som journalist og deltaget i guerilla-krigen mod Serbien som sygehjælper og uden at bære uniform eller våben.

Han blev næstformand i Alliancen for Kosovos Fremtid (på engelsk: The Alliance for the Future of Kosovo) og udpeget til premierminister i 2005, da Ramush Haradinaj trådte tilbage efter at være blevet sigtet af ICTY.

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UÇK

UÇK er en forkortelse for det albanske Ushtria Çlirimtare e Kosovës og betyder: Kosovos Befrielseshær.

Indholdsfortegnelse
* 1 Usikkerhed mht etableringstidspunkt
* 2 Ibrahim Rugovas misforståelse
* 3 Kriminalitet og smuglerier
* 4 Massakren på Jashari-familien
* 5 Militær strategi og taktik
* 6 Agim Çeku militær øverstkommanderende, Hashim Thaçi politisk leder
* 7 NATO-interventionen. Etablering af TMK
* 8 Serbisk kritik
* 9 Nogle medlemmer er blevet suspenderet eller afskediget
* 10 Eksterne kilder

Usikkerhed mht etableringstidspunkt

Det er ikke helt klart hvornår UÇK blev grundlagt, men bevægelsen synes at have haft geografisk udspring i Drenica-området og være opstået i et meget begrænset omfang i midten af 1990'erne. Bevægelsen tog til i omfang op gennem 1998, hvor det kom til omfattende krigshandlinger i Kosovo.

Ibrahim Rugovas misforståelse

Frem til 1997 og begyndelsen af 1998 var UÇK ikke bredt kendt i befolkningen, og den illegalt valgte præsident, Ibrahim Rugova, hævdede i denne første fase at der måtte være tale om en opfindelse, som serbiske sikkerhedsmyndigheder stod bag. I denne fase var der flere tilfælde af terrorhandlinger mod albanere og serbere, herunder mod albanere der samarbejde med serberne, og både civile og militær- og politifolk blev angrebet, så selv om Rugovas tolkning var objektivt forkert - set baglæns - havde han trods alt rimelige grunde til at tro at tingene forholdt sig som han troede. Hans fejltagelse understreger kun at UÇK ikke var særlig kendt og at der - i mange henseender - var meget dårlige forbindelseslinier mellem de forskellige Kosovo albanske grupperinger.

Kriminalitet og smuglerier

I denne tid begyndte der at dukke anklager op om at UÇK var involveret i smuglerier og i andre kriminelle aktiviteter. Det blev hævdet at man smuglede narkotika og våben. Det er tænkeligt at nogle med relation til bevægelsen var involveret i kriminelle aktiviteter.

Fra midten af 1997 er det formentlig ubetvivleligt at medlemmer af bevægelsen var involveret i fremskaffelse af store mængder håndvåben fra den albanske hærs våbenlagre, hvad enten dette skete gratis eller mod betaling til mellemmænd. På dét tidspunkt var Albanien i kaos, og våbenlagrene blev plyndret.

Massakren på Jashari-familien

De serbiske myndigheders massakre på Jashari-familien i Prekaz 5. marts 1998 har formentlig virket helt modsat af hvad de serbiske myndigheder havde kalkuleret med; sandsynligheden taler for at man sigtede på at kvæle bevægelsen ved at ramme en af de bedst kendte ledere. I stedet steg tilslutningen til UÇK, ikke mindst blandt unge Kosovo albanere i Kosovo og i forskellige lande hvor de boede fast eller studerede; en medvirkende årsag var at massakren hurtigt blev kendt over hele Kososo. I øvrigt blev massakren grundigt beskrevet og voldsomt kritiseret i internationale medier, og den bidrog til at underminere den serbiske position i den internationale offentlighed.

Militær strategi og taktik

På dette tidspunkt - dvs. i 1997 og begyndelsen af 1998 satsede man på at føre klassisk guerillakamp og at gennemføre nålestiksaktioner. Senere i 1998 udvidede man til at gennemføre bredere anlagte aktioner.

De små hit-and-run-aktioner var - militært set - ret succesfulde, hvorimod man led mange nederlag da man gik over til de bredere anlagte aktioner.

Efterhånden som krigen udviklede sig og serbiske styrker - både regulære styrker og paramilitære styrker - gik til modangreb, begyndte der en omfattende flygtningestrøm fra de udsatte steder til vanskeligt tilgængelige bjergegne og til Kosovos nabolande. Der meldes i denne periode om talrige overgreb på civile, især fra serbisk side, men delvis også fra albansk.

Overgrebene fra serbisk side har været tema i flere sager ved ICTY i Haag, i mange medier og i drøftelser og undersøgelser i parlamenterne i de lande der var involverede i NATO-interventionen, og de har generelt udløst voldsom kritik, hvilket fik betydning for den senere folkelige opbakning bag NATO-interventionen, uanset at denne intervention - ud fra en ren juridisk betragtning - formentlig må karakterises som værende i strid med folkeretten. Dette tema er diskuteret i DUPI's rapport om Humanitær Intervention.

Overgrebene fra albansk side har ikke været omtalt lige så massivt som de serbiske (med undtagelse af serbiske medier m.fl. og et mindre antal tilfælde i NATO-landene, som i Italien, Grækenland og Tyskland). De har dog været tema i sagen mod Fatmir Limaj m.fl. ved ICTY i Haag og vil givetvis også blive tema i sagen mod tidligere UÇK-kommandant og tidligere premierminister Ramush Haradinaj, der dog endnu ikke er berammet (pr. januar 2006).

Sagen mod Limaj m.fl. blev afsluttet i slutningen af 2005 med frikendelse af Limaj og en anden anklaget, hvorimod den tredje anklagede fik en langvarig fængselsstraf.

Domstolen understregede at den dømte ikke havde selvstændige kommandobeføjelser, og at han havde opført sig som en vagt under kommando, da han udførte de pådømte handlinger. Dette kunne imidlertid ikke fjerne hans skyld, men det bidrog til at mildne dommen.

UÇK-ledelsen havde, at dømme udefra, flere hensigter. Man ville selv sagt vinde de enkelte aktioner og dermed motivere til større opbakning og direkte tilslutning fra befolkningen. Men man satsede helt åbenbart også på at provokere serbisk militær og serbisk politi til at overreagere for derigennem at tiltrække international hjælp og fremtvinge en politisk løsning, der indebar Kosovos løsrivelse fra Serbien.

Ved udgangen af 1998 gennemtvang man fra amerikansk side en ensidig serbisk våbenhvile og der blev indsat en OSCE-overvågningskommission under ledelse af William Walker fra USA.

Agim Çeku militær øverstkommanderende, Hashim Thaçi politisk leder

Agim Çeku, der var general i den kroatiske hær blev tiltrukket som militær øverstkommanderende, mens Hashim Thaçi blev politisk leder.

I en kort periode ved årsskiftet 1998-1999 var Adem Demaçi tilknyttet som politisk rådgiver, men da hans synspunkter i virkeligheden ikke stemte overens med de ledende UÇK'eres skiltes vejene.

Den formentlig serbiske massakre i landsbyen Racak 15. januar 1999 blev brugt som begrundelse for Madeleine Albright m.fl. til at sætte tommelskruerne på Slobodan Milosevic, til at gennemføre Rambouillet-forhandlingerne og til fra 25. marts 1999 at gennemføre en asymmetrisk militær intervention, nemlig gennem luftangreb mod landtropper.

NATO-interventionen. Etablering af TMK

UÇK deltog i et vist omfang som støtte for NATO under interventionen i 1999, men blev kort efter fredsslutningen opløst. En del af medlemmerne blev i stedet optaget i TMK, på albansk: Trupat Mbrojtëse të Kosovës, på engelsk: Kosovo Protection Corps, på dansk Kosovos Beskyttelseskorps, der fik Agim Çeku som chef.

Formålet med korpset er at danne et slags civilforsvarskorps eller beredskabskorps, men der var (og er) adskillige Kosovo albanere, der så (og ser) korpset som begyndelsen på en selvstændig hær, dette er dog hidtil afvist af det internationale samfund. Når medlemmerne er i tjeneste er de i en militært lignende uniform, rangbetegnelserne er militære (Agim Çeku tituleres general), og det er endelig tilladt nogle af medlemmerne at bære våben, i det mindste under særlige ceremonielle begivenheder.

TMK dannede officiel og uniformeret æresvagt ved præsident Rugovas båre i januar 2006.

Serbisk kritik

Fra serbisk side har man kritiseret etableringen og den efterfølgende virksomhed. Når det internationale samfund accepterede at etablere korpset var det for at lede de tidligere guerrilla-soldater over i fremtidsorienteret virksomhed så hurtigt som muligt og for at etablere et beredskabskorps.

Nogle medlemmer er blevet suspenderet eller afskediget

Nogle officerer og medlemmer af korpset er blevet suspenderet eller afskediget. Som suspensionsgrund har været fremtræden i TMK-uniform i situationer der ikke var accepteret af UNMIK og KFOR. Afskedigelsesgrund har været at der var rejst sigtelse eller afsagt dom for deltagelse i kriminelle aktiviteter.

Eksterne kilder

* Kilde: Bjørn Andersen: Fra Kosovo til Kosóva. Amerikansk og Europæisk udenrigspolitik - i Machiavelli's og Clausewitz' fodspor? (fsv angår den militære strategi og taktik) og forskellige udgaver af Albansk Almanak (fsv angår etableringen af TMK og forløbet siden 1999) og derigennem på søgning i mange medier fra 1998 og frem.

Desuden er f.eks. inddraget:
* DUPI's rapport om Humanitær Intervention, som er diskuteret i Albanske Studier (2002) tilligemed udenrigsministerens redegørelse af 14. marts 2000 om emnet til Folketinget
* Udsagn fra ICTY's sag mod Fatmir Limaj m.fl.

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TMK

TMK er en Kosovo albansk forkortelse for: Trupat Mbrojtëse të Kosovës, på engelsk: Kosovo Protection Corps, på dansk Kosovos Beskyttelseskorps.

Etablering i 1999

Korpset blev etableret i 1999 efter afslutningen af NATO's intervention i Kosovo, Serbiens overgivelse og Sikkerhedsrådets vedtagelse af resolution 1244.

Den første KFOR-chef, den engelske general Mike Jackson stod på god fod med Agim Çeku, der var militær chef for UÇK. Jackson og Çeku har en stor del af æren for, at UÇK blev demobiliseret og omdannet til TMK.

Forskellige formål og hensigter

Formålet med korpset er at være et slags civilforsvarskorps eller beredskabskorps, men der var (og er) adskillige Kosovo albanere, der så (og ser) korpset som begyndelsen på en selvstændig hær, dette er dog hidtil afvist af det internationale samfund.

En af hensigterne med at etablere korpset var dog også at opsuge mange af medlemmerne af UÇK og forhindre, at de engagerede sig i negativ virksomhed.

Langt de fleste af medlemmerne er etniske albanere, kun ganske få Kosovo serbere er blev tiltrukket af korpset og fastholdt i det.

Når medlemmerne er i tjeneste er de i en militært lignende uniform, rangbetegnelserne er militære (Agim Çeku tituleres general), og det er endelig tilladt nogle af medlemmerne at bære våben, i det mindste under særlige ceremonielle begivenheder.

TMK dannede officiel og uniformeret æresvagt ved præsident Rugovas båre i januar 2006.

Efteruddannelse

Der er siden 1999 afholdt adskillige efteruddannelsesaktiviteter af beredskabsfaglig art for medlemmerne, og der har fra tid til anden været afholdt øvelser i samarbejde med KFOR.